- Notre Dame University
Zouk Mosbeh, Lebanon - 961-(0)9-218950 ext 2328
Guita Hourani, Ph.D.
Ukrainian Catholic University, Institute of Religion and Society, Department Member
- MENA region, Lebanese Migration, Migration and Diaspora, Qualitative and Quantitative Social Research, International Affairs, Migration Law, and 40 moreCitizenship, Naturalization, Minorities, Skilled migration (International Studies), Out of Country Voting, Maronites, Political Science, Global Labor Migration and Immigration, Migration History, Migration Studies, Return Migration, Forced Migration, Labor Migration, Migration mobilities, International Migration, Transnational migration, Migration (Sociology), Irregular Migration, Lebanese History, Arab Christian Studies, Middle East Studies, Ottoman, Middle East, Maronite History, Eastern Christian studies, Middle Eastern Christianity, Kurd, Transnationalism, Diaspora Studies, Diasporas, Middle East Politics, Lebanon, Lebanese, Networking, Remittances, Cultural change, Ethnic and 'Non ethnic' Identities, Middle East, Expatriates, Brain Drain, Human Geography, Border Studies, and Refugeesedit
- Dr. Guita Hourani is a distinguished and highly respected professional with extensive expertise in migration, citizen... moreDr. Guita Hourani is a distinguished and highly respected professional with extensive expertise in migration, citizenship, development, and project management. She holds a Ph.D. from the Graduate School of Global Studies at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Japan. As a Country Expert in migration, she offers invaluable legal insights to government migration institutions, NGOs, lawyers, and individuals. In this capacity, she serves as an Expert Witness or Expert Testimony, providing meticulously crafted written affidavits and reports for immigration and asylum cases across various jurisdictions, including the US, Canada, England, the Netherlands, Egypt, Sweden, and others.
In her consultancy work, Hourani conducts comprehensive analyses and elucidations of Lebanon's political, legal, human rights, gender, and socio-economic conditions, offering nuanced perspectives on legal proceedings. She currently serves as an Expert on Citizenship with the European Union Democracy Observatory on Citizenship in Italy, is a member of a Japanese and Hungarian scholarly group researching migration history and policies, and is an Senior Research Affiliate with the Institute of Religion and Society at the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv, Ukraine. Additionally, she holds affiliations with the Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies in Japan and is a Senior Research Associate with the Phoenix Center for Lebanese Studies at the Holy Spirit University in Kaslik, Lebanon.
Hourani's professional engagements also include consultancy roles with the EU, and the Lebanese Development Network (LDN) in Lebanon, and she serves as the Co-Founder and Secretary-General of the International Campaign of the Lebanon Dialogue Initiative and Co-Founder of Oghma Group International. She has been a Fellow of the US Department of State-sponsored Civic Education and Leadership Fellowship at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University in the USA, and a Fellow of the Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity, and Welfare in Sweden. Hourani has served as a Country of Origin Information Expert on Lebanon for The Rights in Exile Programme in England, as the Director of the Lebanese Center for Migration and Diaspora Studies at Notre Dame University-Louaize in Lebanon, and as a Fellow of Women in Conflict with Beyond Borders in Edinburgh, Scotland.
Furthermore, she has been a Fellow at the Institute of Christian Oriental Research at the Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C., USA, a migration expert for the International Labor Organization MAGNET Program, a member of the Editorial Board for Mashreq & Mahjar Journal of Middle Eastern Migration Studies at North Carolina State University in the USA, and a member of various migration expert committees and groups, including those with the Lebanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the UNDP, and the Maronite Patriarchal Synod.
Hourani's latest consultancy roles include serving as a Senior Researcher for the "TOGETHER" project, Lead Researcher for the "MYSEA" project, and Country Expert for The European Union’s South Mediterranean Social Dialogue (SOLiD) project. She has consulted on projects funded by several international organizations, including the International Organization for Migration, the Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation, the International Labor Organization, the Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration, the European Union, and others.
Having conducted research in over 27 countries and presented lectures and papers in more than 20 countries, Hourani has conceptualized, designed methodologies, implemented projects, and written final reports on various topics related to migration, refugees, labor markets, socioeconomic mobility, political participation, voting behavior, integration policies, and access to information, among others. Over the past decade, she has secured over $1,000,000 in individual and collective grants and tenders for her work.edit
https://www.maronite-institute.org/romanian-hymn-for-the-veneration-of-saint-maron.pdf The article explores the veneration of Saint Maron within the Romanian Orthodox Church, focusing on prayers, hymns, and cultural expressions... more
https://www.maronite-institute.org/romanian-hymn-for-the-veneration-of-saint-maron.pdf
The article explores the veneration of Saint Maron within the Romanian Orthodox Church, focusing on prayers, hymns, and cultural expressions associated with this revered figure. It delves into Saint Maron's hagiography, highlighting his healing attributes and presence in Orthodox Romanian tradition. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the Akathist or Hymn of Venerable Saint Maron, offering insights into its composition and significance. The article also examines Saint Maron's iconography and his role in Romanian Orthodox spirituality, providing readers with a comprehensive introduction to his veneration within this religious tradition.
The article explores the veneration of Saint Maron within the Romanian Orthodox Church, focusing on prayers, hymns, and cultural expressions associated with this revered figure. It delves into Saint Maron's hagiography, highlighting his healing attributes and presence in Orthodox Romanian tradition. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the Akathist or Hymn of Venerable Saint Maron, offering insights into its composition and significance. The article also examines Saint Maron's iconography and his role in Romanian Orthodox spirituality, providing readers with a comprehensive introduction to his veneration within this religious tradition.
Research Interests:
The Republic of Lebanon has witnessed a notable escalation in the emigration of young adults, particularly subsequent to the October Revolution of 2019. This period was marked by state dysfunction, currency devaluation, the catastrophic... more
The Republic of Lebanon has witnessed a notable escalation in the emigration of young adults, particularly subsequent to the October Revolution of 2019. This period was marked by state dysfunction, currency devaluation, the catastrophic explosion at the port of Beirut, and heightened levels of human and political insecurity. These adverse conditions, compounded by the forces of globalization, exert a discernible influence on the demographic landscape of the nation. Notably, there exists a dearth of empirical investigations examining the repercussions of such migration on the well-being of the older dependents who remain in the country. This oversight is exacerbated by the prevailing tendency within academic literature to overlook the study of migration's impact on the countries of origin. To address this lacuna, our pilot study undertakes a quantitative survey encompassing 142 households, each comprising at least one elderly individual aged 60 or above, distributed across nine districts in Lebanon. Conducted between February and May 2022, the survey employs a combination of convenient and snowball sampling methods. The primary objective of the study is to scrutinize the influence of adult children's migration on the self-reported physical, emotional, and social well-being of their elderly parents. Furthermore, the research investigates the role of remittances and transnational family ties in mitigating the overall conditions experienced by the elderly individuals left behind. The findings illuminate that the outmigration of adult children significantly impacts the overall physical health of their aging parents. While remittances positively contribute to the purchasing power of the elderly for their daily necessities, the study underscores that such financial support cannot entirely substitute for the absence of adult children. 4
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This prayer is part of a Saint Maron Orthodox litany or akathist. A litany is a profound, devotional, highly ornate, poetic hymn of praise that is sung standing. You'll notice as you read or recite this prayer that the anonymous author... more
This prayer is part of a Saint Maron Orthodox litany or akathist. A litany is a profound, devotional, highly ornate, poetic hymn of praise that is sung standing. You'll notice as you read or recite this prayer that the anonymous author was well-versed in the saint's life and works. The Romanian litany served as the basis for the English translation.
Research Interests: Asceticism, Prayer, Orthodox Christianity, Romania, Icons, and 4 moreHealing, Maronites, Litany, and Maronite Saints
According to a recent article, four Syriac documents with undertexts in two previously unexplored Vatican Library holdings of membra disjecta revealed Syriac versions of Theodoret of Cyrrhus' Historia Religiosa, including two Syriac... more
According to a recent article, four Syriac documents with undertexts in two previously unexplored Vatican Library holdings of membra disjecta revealed Syriac versions of Theodoret of Cyrrhus' Historia Religiosa, including two Syriac portions of Theodoret's life of Saint Maron (d. 410 AD). The writings were concealed in palimpsests. The latter are manuscript pages that have had their original text erased in order for them to be reused, but the pages still contain traces of the original contents.
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This monograph introduces the Miraculous Icon of Saint Maron and other icons of the saint found in Finland. This miraculous icon had been part of the collection of the Monastery of Valaam, on the Island of Lake Ladoga, located across from... more
This monograph introduces the Miraculous Icon of Saint Maron and other icons of the saint found in Finland. This miraculous icon had been part of the collection of the Monastery of Valaam, on the Island of Lake Ladoga, located across from the city of Saint Petersburg in Russia. Later, its monks, and what has survived of their religious cultural material, were relocated to a monastery which became known as New Valaam or Valamo, in Finland.
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The Lebanon Dialogue Initiative (LDI) is a civil society organization founded and presided over by the Honorable William Zard Abou Jaoude (Honorary Council of Great Britain), which receives support from various academics, individuals,... more
The Lebanon Dialogue Initiative (LDI) is a civil society organization
founded and presided over by the Honorable William Zard Abou Jaoude
(Honorary Council of Great Britain), which receives support from various
academics, individuals, businesses, and civil society organizations in
Lebanon and abroad. It employs a Track-3 approach to diplomacy – that is, using individuals and private groups - to advance the designation of Lebanon as a land for dialogue among civilizations and cultures by the United Nations (UN) and to establish, under the auspices of the UN, a universal center for dialogue and conflict resolution in Lebanon.
founded and presided over by the Honorable William Zard Abou Jaoude
(Honorary Council of Great Britain), which receives support from various
academics, individuals, businesses, and civil society organizations in
Lebanon and abroad. It employs a Track-3 approach to diplomacy – that is, using individuals and private groups - to advance the designation of Lebanon as a land for dialogue among civilizations and cultures by the United Nations (UN) and to establish, under the auspices of the UN, a universal center for dialogue and conflict resolution in Lebanon.
Research Interests:
The Beirut port blast on August 4, 2020, was considered “the most powerful non-nuclear explosion of the 21st Century.” It pulverized the port, damaging over half the city, instantly killing 200 people mostly civilians, wounded more than... more
The Beirut port blast on August 4, 2020, was considered “the most powerful non-nuclear explosion of the 21st Century.” It pulverized the port, damaging over half the city, instantly killing 200 people mostly civilians, wounded more than 6,500, and left 300,000 without shelter. Many more people died later as a direct result of their injuries sustained from the explosion. The blast made Lebanon “the 7th worst -affected country by explosive violence.” The overwhelming evidence laid the blame on “senior Lebanese officials who failed to accurately communicate the dangers posed by the ammonium nitrate, knowingly stored the material in unsafe conditions and failed to protect the public.” This revelation stunned the world. The failure was aggravated by the government’s obstruction of the investigation into the blast and its adamant refusal to call for an international probe into the explosion. It was at this conjuncture that we decided to take a snapshot of Lebanese emigrants’ views on the momentous political affairs in Lebanon. An electronic, anonymous, and self-administered questionnaire was developed and its link was made available on various Lebanese diasporic social media platforms. The survey ran from September to October 2020. One thousand and four (1,004) Lebanese emigrant citizens completed the questionnaire some of the results of which are herein presented.
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This article looks at how the Lebanese Kurds negotiate their political survival as a community in the post-naturalization era. Using two focus group sessions to generate qualitative data, it examines the ways in which these formerly... more
This article looks at how the Lebanese Kurds negotiate their political survival as a community in the post-naturalization era. Using two focus group sessions to generate qualitative data, it examines the ways in which these formerly "stateless" people, outside the official forms of state recognition, have utilized their newly acquired status (naturalization) for political survival. It presents their views regarding the Lebanese confessional system, which recognizes them as Sunni Muslims rather than as an ethnoreligious group, thus reducing their opportunities for political representation and public employment. Thus, in the post-naturalization era, the Kurds of Lebanon are "politically surviving," but in order to liberate themselves from a painful and degrading dependence on non-Kurdish "bosses," they need to produce an educated and concerned elite group, overcome their internal differences, and invest in the education of their children and the broader development of their community.
Research Interests: Politics, Lebanon, Elections, Voting, Confessionalization, and 5 moreCitizenship, Migrants, Kurds, Naturalization, and Sunnis
The Lebanese Emigration Research Center (LERC) at the Faculty of Law and Political Science (FLPS), Notre Dame University-Louaize (NDU), the World Lebanese Cultural Union (WLCU) of British Columbia Council, and the Irish-Lebanese Cultural... more
The Lebanese Emigration Research Center (LERC) at the Faculty of Law and Political Science (FLPS), Notre Dame University-Louaize (NDU), the World Lebanese Cultural Union (WLCU) of British Columbia Council, and the Irish-Lebanese Cultural Foundation (ILCF) formed the ‘International Lebanese Titanic Committee (ILTC)’ in 2012, the year marking the centennial of the Titanic’s tragic sinking. The committee was established to identify, commemorate, and pay tribute to the Lebanese aboard the Titanic, as well as work on revealing their names and stories.
The current ILTC committee members, as of 2016, are the following: Dr. Nick Kahwaji, DDS representing the WLCU BC Council; Guy Younes, Chairman of ILCF, Ireland; Dr. Guita Hourani, Director of LERC, Lebanon; Carla Zarifeh, representing the Lebanese Canadian Society of British Columbia (LCSBC), Canada; Dr. Josyann Abisaab, M.D., USA; Raed Charafeddine, First Vice-Governor of the Banque du Liban (BDL), Lebanon; and Sid Chedrawi, Founder Lebanese-Canadian Chamber of Commerce, Nova Scotia, Canada.
With the spirit of enriching the previously established collection on the Lebanese aboard the Titanic at the Lebanon and Migration Museum (LMM) at the LERC, NDU, in Lebanon, the committee collaborated with Vestiges D’Orient and the LERC in its call for paintings dedicated to the memory of the Lebanese who perished aboard the Titanic. The call encouraged artists to “[…] participate in the artistic expression on Lebanese emigration and the tragic Titanic incident.”
The Lebanese Aboard the Titanic Art Exhibition Catalog features the various pieces of art within this collection, including testimonies from a family that lost a loved one aboard the ship as well as personal reflections following the tracing of the Titanic voyage one hundred years later.
The current ILTC committee members, as of 2016, are the following: Dr. Nick Kahwaji, DDS representing the WLCU BC Council; Guy Younes, Chairman of ILCF, Ireland; Dr. Guita Hourani, Director of LERC, Lebanon; Carla Zarifeh, representing the Lebanese Canadian Society of British Columbia (LCSBC), Canada; Dr. Josyann Abisaab, M.D., USA; Raed Charafeddine, First Vice-Governor of the Banque du Liban (BDL), Lebanon; and Sid Chedrawi, Founder Lebanese-Canadian Chamber of Commerce, Nova Scotia, Canada.
With the spirit of enriching the previously established collection on the Lebanese aboard the Titanic at the Lebanon and Migration Museum (LMM) at the LERC, NDU, in Lebanon, the committee collaborated with Vestiges D’Orient and the LERC in its call for paintings dedicated to the memory of the Lebanese who perished aboard the Titanic. The call encouraged artists to “[…] participate in the artistic expression on Lebanese emigration and the tragic Titanic incident.”
The Lebanese Aboard the Titanic Art Exhibition Catalog features the various pieces of art within this collection, including testimonies from a family that lost a loved one aboard the ship as well as personal reflections following the tracing of the Titanic voyage one hundred years later.
Research Interests:
The chapter is one of the outcomes of an extensive 4-year research project (2016–2019) that studied the survival of the Lebanese Kurds. It utilized descriptive and interpretive methodologies to assess the socio-economic and political... more
The chapter is one of the outcomes of an extensive 4-year research project (2016–2019) that studied the survival of the Lebanese Kurds. It utilized descriptive and interpretive methodologies to assess the socio-economic and political survival of the Lebanese Kurdish community. In doing so, it obtained data qualitatively by means of semi-structured in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation. Twenty-one naturalized Kurds participated in the two focus group discussions, and an in-depth interview was conducted with the founder and director of the most active Kurdish NGO, the Nowruz Cultural and Social League. The background for the study was drawn from academic publications, government reports, theses and dissertations, along with newspaper articles. All the data, from both primary and secondary sources, was analyzed and interpreted through descriptive and interpretive methods with the overall aim of heightening understanding of the actions of people in these social and political circumstances.
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Un poster à l'effigie du prince héritier saoudien, Mohammad ben Salmane, au Liban. Ibrahim Chalhoub/AFP Autrefois porte d'entrée vers l'Occident mais aussi main-d'oeuvre privilégiée pour les pétromonarchies arabes, les Libanais voient... more
Un poster à l'effigie du prince héritier saoudien, Mohammad ben Salmane, au Liban. Ibrahim Chalhoub/AFP Autrefois porte d'entrée vers l'Occident mais aussi main-d'oeuvre privilégiée pour les pétromonarchies arabes, les Libanais voient aujourd'hui leur présence historique dans cette région remise en question. Par Julie KEBBI 14/12/2020 Depuis près d'un mois, Maria* effectue le même rituel tous les matins. Cette directrice d'une grande agence de voyages à Beyrouth épluche la presse locale, fait le tour des groupes WhatsApp et multiplie les appels avec ses contacts dans le Golfe avec la même question sur les lèvres : jusqu'à quand les visas pour les Libanais souhaitant se rendre aux Émirats arabes unis vont-ils être suspendus ? « On entend des rumeurs selon lesquelles la situation va rester ainsi jusqu'aux fêtes de fin d'année, confie-t-elle. Certains évoquent même un remboursement des frais de dossiers tellement il y a de refus. » Malgré les dénégations des autorités émiraties, une circulaire datée du 18 novembre consultée par Reuters indique que le Liban fait effectivement partie d'une liste de treize pays à majorité musulmane concernés par la suspension des
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This is an interview with me on Lebanese migration from Lebanon following the blast of the Port of Beirut on August 4, 2020.
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The Lives, almost legends, of female saints, who have lived disguised as men, might be characterized as historical novels; they are filled with charm, courage, mystery and a sense of greater humanity, some even with romance and glamour.... more
The Lives, almost legends, of female saints, who have lived disguised as
men, might be characterized as historical novels; they are filled with charm, courage, mystery and a sense of greater humanity, some even with romance and glamour. They embody the mosaic of cultural values and are witnesses to the portrayal of female spirituality.
Saint Marina the Monk belongs to this group of female saints who came
to be known as ‘transvestite saints,’ like Anastasia (Anastasios), Apolinaria (Dorotheos), Euphrosyne (Smaragdus), Hilaria (Hilarion), Theodora (Theodoros), Eugenia (Eugios), Matrona of Perge (Babylas), and Pelagia (Pelagius) among others. The common denominator in the stories of these women is that they disguised themselves as men and thus were enabled to enter male-dominated monastic life.
Marina disguised herself as a man in order to join her father in his monastic life. She was later accused of fathering a child. She did not defend herself against the crime of which she was accused, but with obedience, silence and humility accepted the severe penalty that was pronounced against her by the Superior of the Monastery to leave the monastery and to raise the child.
men, might be characterized as historical novels; they are filled with charm, courage, mystery and a sense of greater humanity, some even with romance and glamour. They embody the mosaic of cultural values and are witnesses to the portrayal of female spirituality.
Saint Marina the Monk belongs to this group of female saints who came
to be known as ‘transvestite saints,’ like Anastasia (Anastasios), Apolinaria (Dorotheos), Euphrosyne (Smaragdus), Hilaria (Hilarion), Theodora (Theodoros), Eugenia (Eugios), Matrona of Perge (Babylas), and Pelagia (Pelagius) among others. The common denominator in the stories of these women is that they disguised themselves as men and thus were enabled to enter male-dominated monastic life.
Marina disguised herself as a man in order to join her father in his monastic life. She was later accused of fathering a child. She did not defend herself against the crime of which she was accused, but with obedience, silence and humility accepted the severe penalty that was pronounced against her by the Superior of the Monastery to leave the monastery and to raise the child.
Research Interests:
Although, academic institutions and organizations have provided extensive ‘Research Guidelines,’ or ‘Ethical Guidelines’ or ‘Codes of Conduct for Researchers’ to direct work with regards to the ways in which investigators conduct,... more
Although, academic institutions and organizations have provided extensive ‘Research Guidelines,’ or ‘Ethical Guidelines’ or ‘Codes of Conduct for Researchers’ to direct work with regards to the ways in which investigators conduct, administer, and convey field research, the generally provided valuable guidance seem deficient relative to the rather particular conditions that research in non-western and non-democratic states dictates. The guidelines are even more inadequate when the research is conducted in environments of insecurity in these states. Implementing fieldwork in environments of insecurity is a complex and challenging undertaking not only for foreign researchers but also for nationals. In the volatile Middle East and similar milieu, where insecurities are the result of conflicts, human rights abuses, oppression of minorities, field research is even more intricate and difficult. While this article argues that a) researchers should not wait until the insecurities are over to conduct field research; b) that researchers can do quantitative and qualitative research in environments of insecurity; and c) that Snowball Sampling Method (SSM) is an effective method to reaching out and accessing marginalized and “hard-to-reach population”, it outlines methodological, socio-cultural and ethical issues related to conducting field research in these environments taking the case of Lebanon. This article also alerts to the need to pay vigilant attention to the social and political context within which field researchers operate. This article is thus concerned with political and security readiness, pre-field research preparation, contextual methodology, and sampling approaches, identifying and locating interlocutors, availability and accessibility of data and information and the special ethical concerns that “on-the-ground” research entails.
Religious beliefs and customs migrate transnationally with the immigrants who carry them from their countries of origin into their new countries of settlement. Among these religious beliefs are those that concern health and sickness, and... more
Religious beliefs and customs migrate transnationally with the immigrants who carry them from their countries of origin into their new countries of settlement. Among these religious beliefs are those that concern health and sickness, and more specifically, preventatives and cures. This article presents a case study of medical beliefs within the Christian Syriac Community of Sherbrooke in Canada, as witnessed through two amulets that contain two Psalmic invocations handwritten in Arabic, which were kept as heirlooms of the Batrie family. This article explores the way first generation immigrants transplanted homeland religious beliefs and practices in a new social environment, with the use of amulets as a conduit between man and the supernatural, and, more pragmatically, the use of Psalmic verses as healing medium with miraculous power.
Research Interests: Religion, Middle East Studies, Arabic, Immigration, Material Culture, and 3 moreCanada, Amulets, and Psalms
Levantines who emigrated to South Africa and the United States in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were agrarian people which made their material conditions, like the Irish, comparable to those of the slaves. They... more
Levantines who emigrated to South Africa and the United States in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were agrarian people which made their material conditions, like the Irish, comparable to those
of the slaves. They arrived at “color-coded” societies in which colour was the determinant factor in accessing rights. Prior to their migration, the Levantines were not familiar with the “racial” and “whiteness”
issues; they became white “only after they had successfully claimed whiteness, and when law and custom confirmed it” (Gualtieri 2001). The success of their claim came about following two lawsuits in South Africa and in the US. While the Dow case has been studied, the Gandur has not, consequently, the article highlights
the rationale of the judgment and at comparing the two cases in terms of commonalities. This article shows
how race is a social construct and how it can be interpreted to admit the “undesirables.”
of the slaves. They arrived at “color-coded” societies in which colour was the determinant factor in accessing rights. Prior to their migration, the Levantines were not familiar with the “racial” and “whiteness”
issues; they became white “only after they had successfully claimed whiteness, and when law and custom confirmed it” (Gualtieri 2001). The success of their claim came about following two lawsuits in South Africa and in the US. While the Dow case has been studied, the Gandur has not, consequently, the article highlights
the rationale of the judgment and at comparing the two cases in terms of commonalities. This article shows
how race is a social construct and how it can be interpreted to admit the “undesirables.”
Research Interests:
This article attempts to contribute to the debate around the study of refugees and the security implications involving " refugee militants/terrorists. " It situates the debate within the context of Syrian refugees who have been... more
This article attempts to contribute to the debate around the study of refugees and the security implications involving " refugee militants/terrorists. " It situates the debate within the context of Syrian refugees who have been radicalized or have voluntarily or involuntarily joined militant groups and Lebanon' s subsequent response policy as a host country. It tries to identify the various measures employed by the Government of Lebanon through the operationalization of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees " Ladder of Options " in managing security related issues involving Syrian refugees-turned-terrorists. It intends to (i) raise awareness of the impact of terrorism on host countries and their dilemmas in reconciling refugee rights and counter-terrorism for security reasons; and (ii) illustrate specific policies and interventions made by Lebanon in this regard; and (iii) call for further studies on the subject in Middle Eastern countries grappling with internal political challenges at the same time as they are experiencing the huge burden of many refugees. The research suggests that Lebanon needs to address the issue of radicalization in a more comprehensive manner and that scholars need to reexamine the " Ladder of Options " in light of Levantine host States' experiences and to develop a ladder of options framework for combating terrorism in post-emergency refugee settlements to safeguard State sovereignty, international security and refugee protection. Keywords Radicalization of refugees • Refugee Radicalization • " Ladder of Options " • ISIS • Al-Nusra Front •
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This book details women’s experiences of gender inequality and the legal, social, religious, and political obstacles which challenge Lebanon’s progress toward the eradication of violence and discrimination against women. The book is in... more
This book details women’s experiences of gender inequality and the legal, social, religious, and political obstacles which challenge Lebanon’s progress toward the eradication of violence and discrimination against women. The book is in memory of the late Dr. Rita Sabat (1974-2013). The book contributes to the current debate about gender equality especially with regard to the UN Post- 2015 Development Goal and the application of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). “In Line with the Divine” shows that gender equality is indispensable for the equitable development of society, for the advancement of families, and for the eradication of violence, discrimination, and poverty.
The contributors to this volume touch on a wide variety of pressing issues in the gender equality movement in Lebanon and in the wider Near East: gender equality in the family (Rita Sabat– posthumously edited by Elisabeth Prügel), articles highlighting the contributions of pioneers of the struggle for gender equality (Rita Stephan, Hayfaa A. Tlaiss), domestic violence (Nicole Khoury), civil marriage (Nelia Hyndman-Rizk), the challenges facing Shi`ite women in the Beqa`a Valley (Sherifa Zuhur), divorce (Mireille Aprahamian), women and the effects of male emigration (Stephanie Hjorth), Syrian women refugees in Lebanese media (Rouba El Helou & Maria Bou Zeid), and women’s immigration (Dalia Abdelhady). The life and work of Dr. Sabat is presented through two retrospectives (Guita Hourani, Jasmin Lilian Diab). A summary and pathfinding guide to areas of theoretical and practical work (Cornelia Horn) orients the reader to the possible future of gender studies and the struggle for women’s equality in Lebanon and the wider region.
The contributors to this volume touch on a wide variety of pressing issues in the gender equality movement in Lebanon and in the wider Near East: gender equality in the family (Rita Sabat– posthumously edited by Elisabeth Prügel), articles highlighting the contributions of pioneers of the struggle for gender equality (Rita Stephan, Hayfaa A. Tlaiss), domestic violence (Nicole Khoury), civil marriage (Nelia Hyndman-Rizk), the challenges facing Shi`ite women in the Beqa`a Valley (Sherifa Zuhur), divorce (Mireille Aprahamian), women and the effects of male emigration (Stephanie Hjorth), Syrian women refugees in Lebanese media (Rouba El Helou & Maria Bou Zeid), and women’s immigration (Dalia Abdelhady). The life and work of Dr. Sabat is presented through two retrospectives (Guita Hourani, Jasmin Lilian Diab). A summary and pathfinding guide to areas of theoretical and practical work (Cornelia Horn) orients the reader to the possible future of gender studies and the struggle for women’s equality in Lebanon and the wider region.
Research Interests:
These proceedings summarize the first international Forum organized by the Lebanon Dialogue Initiative (LDI). The proceedings cannot provide a verbatim account of the discussions nor transmit the sincerity of the speakers and the vibrancy... more
These proceedings summarize the first international Forum organized by the Lebanon Dialogue Initiative (LDI). The proceedings cannot provide a verbatim account of the discussions nor transmit the sincerity of the speakers and the vibrancy and inter-activeness of the participants, nor do justice to the wealth of comments and insights that were shared during and after the sessions. Instead, these proceedings provide an overview of the main messages conveyed and the key topics discussed.
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The chapter traces the history of the Maronite community from the 12th century to Ottoman rule. The book contains the proceedings of a conference on the minorities of Cyprus from the Ottoman period through to the present day, focusing on... more
The chapter traces the history of the Maronite community from the 12th century to Ottoman rule. The book contains the proceedings of a conference on the minorities of Cyprus from the Ottoman period through to the present day, focusing on the Maronite, Armenian, and Latin minorities but also on smaller groups such as the Roma, as well as the French community in the eighteenth century.
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تختص هذه الدراسة بعودة اللبنانيين اللذين هاجروا خلال الحرب الأهلية (1975) واللذين عادوا في فترة ما بعد الحرب بين 1990 و 2018. كاتِبَتا "دراسة العودة الى الوطن: إعادة إدماج المهاجرين العائدين الى لبنان،" الدكتورة غيتا حوراني من جامعة سيدة... more
تختص هذه الدراسة بعودة اللبنانيين اللذين هاجروا خلال الحرب الأهلية (1975) واللذين عادوا في فترة ما بعد الحرب بين 1990 و 2018. كاتِبَتا "دراسة العودة الى الوطن: إعادة إدماج المهاجرين العائدين الى لبنان،" الدكتورة غيتا حوراني من جامعة سيدة اللويزة والدكتورة سوزان منعم من الجامعة اللبنانية، قامتا بالتحقيق العلميّ لعودة مئتيّ لبناني من مختلف المناطق اللبنانيّة ومن دول هجرة متعددّة.
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This study is concerned with the return of Lebanese who emigrated during the Civil War (1975-1990) and who have since returned in the post-war era. The authors of the Homecomings: Re-integration of Return Migrant in Lebanon, Dr. Guita... more
This study is concerned with the return of Lebanese who emigrated during the Civil War (1975-1990) and who have since returned in the post-war era. The authors of the Homecomings: Re-integration of Return Migrant in Lebanon, Dr. Guita Hourani of Notre Dame University and Dr. Suzanne Menhem of the Lebanese University, have traced the return of 200 Lebanese returnees from various countries of immigration and from diverse regions in Lebanon, interviewing them about their experiences and creating a tentative model of the returnee’s world. This is a step towards filling a significant gap in the literature of migration, one that has consequences for both state policy and the sociology of globalization.
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Research Interests:
The book contributes to the current debate about gender equality especially with regard to the UN Post-2015 Development Goal and the application of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).... more
The book contributes to the current debate about gender equality especially with regard to the UN Post-2015 Development Goal and the application of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). “In Line with the Divine” shows that gender equality is indispensable for the equitable development of society, for the advancement of families, and for the eradication of violence, discrimination, and poverty.
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The author analyzes the strength of the association between citizenship acquisition/naturalization and socioeconomic mobility and political participation through Subjective Social Status (SSS) among 164 Kurds who were naturalized Lebanese... more
The author analyzes the strength of the association between citizenship acquisition/naturalization and socioeconomic mobility and political participation through Subjective Social Status (SSS) among 164 Kurds who were naturalized Lebanese by the Presidential Decree 5247/1994 of June 20, 1994. The author examined intragenerational socioeconomic mobility and political participation by comparing the immigrants’ SSS at the time of naturalization (i.e. 1994) to their SSS 15 years after (i.e. 2010).
Research Interests: Economic Sociology, Voting Behavior, Political Participation, Lebanon, Turkey, and 5 moreSyria, Persian, Palestinian Cinema, Lebanese Cinema, Arab Cinema, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Cultural Studies, Ethnology, Cultural Production, Film, Art, Theatre, Social Media, Kurds, and Kurds in the Middle East
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Research Interests:
“Refugees of the Arab Spring”: The Syrian Refugees in Lebanon, Research Paper Series No. 1/2012, Carthage Center for Research and Information (CCRI) of the Lebanese Development Network (LDN) and the Lebanese Emigration Research Center... more
“Refugees of the Arab Spring”: The Syrian Refugees in Lebanon, Research Paper Series No. 1/2012, Carthage Center for Research and Information (CCRI) of the Lebanese Development Network (LDN) and the Lebanese Emigration Research Center (LERC) of Notre Dame University (NDU), published by the Center for Migration and Refugee Studies (CMRS) of the American University of Cairo (AUC), 2012, [ISSN 2221-3333]. This review of one year's influx of Syrian refugees into Lebanon is meant to reveal the political, communitarian, and humanitarian factors that shape the State of Lebanon's policy towards it. The Lebanese government has lately adopted a ‘disassociation’ policy regarding the Syrian conflict with the objective of preventing the spill-over of the conflict and the destabilization of the country. Regional and international powers well understand the reasons for this policy, given Lebanon's geopolitical situation, its history, and its "special ties' with Syria. However, while Lebanon might be able to disassociate itself from the political entanglements of the Syrian crisis, it cannot distance itself from dealing with the growing numbers of Syrian refugees on its territory. A policy of neglect has characterized the Lebanese government’s de facto relationship to the humanitarian crisis of Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Their basic needs for shelter, education, and medical assistance have been met by a combination of packages devised, without Lebanon’s participation, by the UN and the latter’s implementing partners. The Lebanese government has also allowed unsupervised religious charities to dominate refugee assistance, adding to a sectarian approach to the Syrian refugee crisis. This policy is beginning to feed back into the tensions that already divide ethnic and religious groups in the country. Against the background of these findings, this report analyzes the need for the Lebanese authorities to design an adequate refugee protection framework in consultation with the UNHCR and to devise a temporary protection status for Syrian refugees in Lebanon. A new agreement or Memorandum of Understanding between Lebanon and UNHCR should take into consideration Lebanon's complex history with refugees on its territory and the political consequences of hosting refugees from a neighboring state. This approach would facilitate Lebanon's obligation to abide by international refugee protection laws while, most importantly from the point of view of Lebanese sovereignty, preventing a further spillover of the Syrian conflict into Lebanon. Consequently, such a framework could provide a model for an adequate regional response to other migration flows of Arab Spring refugees in the Middle East.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This article addresses the reasons behind the Maronite migration to Cyprus from the eighth century to the British occupation, and reads into their history from available manuscripts. History narrates four major migrations of the Maronites... more
This article addresses the reasons behind the Maronite migration to Cyprus from the eighth century to the British occupation, and reads into their history from available manuscripts. History narrates four major migrations of the Maronites to the Cypriot Island. The first exodus occurred in the eighth century with the fleeing of the Maronites from the plains of ancient Syria to Mount Lebanon. The second transpired upon the destruction of the Monastery of Saint Maron on the Orontes River toward the end of the tenth century. The third migration came at the beginning of the reign of the Lusignan Dynasty at the end of the twelfth century. The fourth transmigration was engendered by the defeat of the Crusaders in Tripoli toward the end of the thirteenth century. The article also examines the Cypriot Maronite situation during the reigns of the Latins and the Ottomans. It also brings to light the reasons behind the demise of the Maronite colony in Cyprus, which at times numbered sixty villa...
At the heart of this bilateral crisis between Lebanon and the GCC is the obsessive concern of the GCC States with security and internal social order. The GCC countries heavily depend on foreign labor, be they unskilled, semiskilled, or... more
At the heart of this bilateral crisis between Lebanon and the GCC is the obsessive concern of the GCC States with security and internal social order. The GCC countries heavily depend on foreign labor, be they unskilled, semiskilled, or highly-skilled, to maintain their economic growth and sustain their high standard of living. Because immigrants can and have been used by their countries of origin, by interest groups, and by their host countries to advance political and ideological agendas, they are increasingly seen as carriers of potential threats. Migration and security have become intertwined since 9/11 and its aftermath.
Migration issues are now matters of both international political negotiation and national security policies engaging the attention of heads of states and key ministries involved in defense, internal security, and foreign relations.
Despite the fact that it is unlikely that the GCC would engage in the mass deportation of Lebanese nationals because of the detrimental effects this action will have on various sectors of their economies, and also because of the long and profound relations between Lebanon and the GCC States, Lebanon should pay attention to these bilateral relations, if for no other reason than the fact that it has hundreds of thousands of nationals working in the region. Hence, there is an urgent necessity for Lebanon to wisely adopt a policy that protects its long-term interest with the GCC and to formulate a comprehensive national emigration policy, especially as the Lebanese themselves are one of Lebanon’s main natural resources and their earnings and remittances the source of one-quarter of its Gross Domestic Product. Lebanon should, therefore, deal wisely with the situation before it metastasizes.
Migration issues are now matters of both international political negotiation and national security policies engaging the attention of heads of states and key ministries involved in defense, internal security, and foreign relations.
Despite the fact that it is unlikely that the GCC would engage in the mass deportation of Lebanese nationals because of the detrimental effects this action will have on various sectors of their economies, and also because of the long and profound relations between Lebanon and the GCC States, Lebanon should pay attention to these bilateral relations, if for no other reason than the fact that it has hundreds of thousands of nationals working in the region. Hence, there is an urgent necessity for Lebanon to wisely adopt a policy that protects its long-term interest with the GCC and to formulate a comprehensive national emigration policy, especially as the Lebanese themselves are one of Lebanon’s main natural resources and their earnings and remittances the source of one-quarter of its Gross Domestic Product. Lebanon should, therefore, deal wisely with the situation before it metastasizes.
Research Interests:
... the Monastery of Qozhaya ranks among the most important monasteries, especially in regard to its hermitages, Mar Bishoy (Saint Païsios ... Father Spiridon Al-Zouki (+1829), Father Antonios Al-Habis (+1829), Father Zakariya Al-Bkasini... more
... the Monastery of Qozhaya ranks among the most important monasteries, especially in regard to its hermitages, Mar Bishoy (Saint Païsios ... Father Spiridon Al-Zouki (+1829), Father Antonios Al-Habis (+1829), Father Zakariya Al-Bkasini (+1842), Father Francis Fakhry al-Bsherrawi ...
... Bishop Maroun (1506), Bishop Gebrayel Al Kela'i (1505-1516), Bishop Antonios (1523), Bishop Girgis al Hadthy (1528), Bishop Elie Al Hadthy (+ 1530), Bishop Francis (+ 1562), Bishop Girgiss al Hadthy (1562 ... In... more
... Bishop Maroun (1506), Bishop Gebrayel Al Kela'i (1505-1516), Bishop Antonios (1523), Bishop Girgis al Hadthy (1528), Bishop Elie Al Hadthy (+ 1530), Bishop Francis (+ 1562), Bishop Girgiss al Hadthy (1562 ... In 1848, Monsignor Geagea made his first pastoral visit to the island ...
Research Interests:
This report analyzes in an historical perspective the migration policies elaborated by the Jordanian state to manage and regulate the populations of Jordanian citizens seeking employment abroad and of labour migrants and refugees of all... more
This report analyzes in an historical perspective the migration policies elaborated by the Jordanian state to manage and regulate the populations of Jordanian citizens seeking employment abroad and of labour migrants and refugees of all nationalities seeking employment in Jordan. It also provides a inventory of training and employment programmes available in Jordan in 2016 and following years.
Research Interests:
Bu makale, mültecilerle ve “mülteci militanların/teröristleri” kapsayan güvenlik uygulamalarıyla ilgili tartışmalara katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma, radikalleşmiş veya gönüllü ya da gayriihtiyari şekilde militan gruplara... more
Bu makale, mültecilerle ve “mülteci militanların/teröristleri” kapsayan güvenlik uygulamalarıyla ilgili tartışmalara
katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma, radikalleşmiş veya gönüllü ya da gayriihtiyari şekilde
militan gruplara katılmış Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili tartışmaları mültecilere ev sahipliği yapan bir ülke
olarak Lübnan’ın güvenlik çabaları çerçevesinde değerlendirmektedir. Yine bu makalede mülteci iken terör
eylemlerine karışan Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili Lübnan Hükûmetinin BM Mülteciler Yüksek Komiserliğinin
“tercihler hiyerarşisi” kararlarını işlevselleştirerek uyguladığı çeşitli tedbirler tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır.
Makalede; (i) terörün ev sahibi ülkeler üzerindeki etkisine ve bu ülkelerin mülteci hakları ile güvenlik
amaçlı terörle mücadele çabalarını uzlaştırmada yaşanan ikilemlere yönelik farkındalığın arttırılması; (ii)
Lübnan tarafından bu bağlamda gerçekleştirilen hususi politikaları ve müdahaleleri göstermek; ve (iii) bu
konuda iç politik zorluklarla boğuşup bir de fazla sayıda mülteci barındırdıkları için sorunun yükünü taşıyan
Orta Doğu ülkelerinde daha çok araştırma yapılması gerektiğini göstermek hedeflenmiştir. Bu araştırmanın
sonucunda; Lübnan’ın radikalleşme konusunu daha kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alması gerektiği, bilim
adamlarının Doğu Akdeniz’deki ev sahibi devletlerin deneyimleri ışığında “tercihler hiyerarşi”ni yeniden
ele almaları gerektiği ve mülteci yerleşimlerinde; devlet egemenliği, uluslararası güvenlik ve mültecilerin
koruması konularını teminat altına almak üzere terörizmle mücadele bağlamında bir dizi tercih çerçevesi
geliştirilmesi gerektiği dile getirilmiştir.
katkıda bulunmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma, radikalleşmiş veya gönüllü ya da gayriihtiyari şekilde
militan gruplara katılmış Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili tartışmaları mültecilere ev sahipliği yapan bir ülke
olarak Lübnan’ın güvenlik çabaları çerçevesinde değerlendirmektedir. Yine bu makalede mülteci iken terör
eylemlerine karışan Suriyeli mültecilerle ilgili Lübnan Hükûmetinin BM Mülteciler Yüksek Komiserliğinin
“tercihler hiyerarşisi” kararlarını işlevselleştirerek uyguladığı çeşitli tedbirler tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır.
Makalede; (i) terörün ev sahibi ülkeler üzerindeki etkisine ve bu ülkelerin mülteci hakları ile güvenlik
amaçlı terörle mücadele çabalarını uzlaştırmada yaşanan ikilemlere yönelik farkındalığın arttırılması; (ii)
Lübnan tarafından bu bağlamda gerçekleştirilen hususi politikaları ve müdahaleleri göstermek; ve (iii) bu
konuda iç politik zorluklarla boğuşup bir de fazla sayıda mülteci barındırdıkları için sorunun yükünü taşıyan
Orta Doğu ülkelerinde daha çok araştırma yapılması gerektiğini göstermek hedeflenmiştir. Bu araştırmanın
sonucunda; Lübnan’ın radikalleşme konusunu daha kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alması gerektiği, bilim
adamlarının Doğu Akdeniz’deki ev sahibi devletlerin deneyimleri ışığında “tercihler hiyerarşi”ni yeniden
ele almaları gerektiği ve mülteci yerleşimlerinde; devlet egemenliği, uluslararası güvenlik ve mültecilerin
koruması konularını teminat altına almak üzere terörizmle mücadele bağlamında bir dizi tercih çerçevesi
geliştirilmesi gerektiği dile getirilmiştir.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The latest MISMES inventory in Lebanon is a follow-up study on MISMES practices. However, due to the country’s unique circumstances, the Lebanon report targeted not only Lebanese emigrants and returnees, but also foreign labour immigrants... more
The latest MISMES inventory in Lebanon is a follow-up study on MISMES practices. However, due to the country’s unique circumstances, the Lebanon report targeted not only Lebanese emigrants and returnees, but also foreign labour immigrants and refugees and asylum seekers. In this report, MISMES are defined as specific policy interventions in all phases of the migration cycle, targeting those particular groups. To qualify as MISMES, policy interventions should mobilise specific budget resources (regardless of who funds or implements the action) to achieve labour market integration or skills utilisation or enhancement goals, usually over a decade (between 2006 and 2016).
Research Interests:
MISMES IN LEBANON BETWEEN 2006 AND 2016 MISMES Migrant support measures from an employment and skills perspective (MISMES) in the Lebanese context include measures designed to develop, promote and make efficient use of migrants’ skills,... more
MISMES IN LEBANON BETWEEN
2006 AND 2016
MISMES
Migrant support measures from an employment
and skills perspective (MISMES) in the Lebanese
context include measures designed to develop,
promote and make efficient use of migrants’
skills, as well as measures designed to
facilitate job matching and employment rights
of migrants and/or to improve their labour
market conditions. Other programmes that may
contribute to the social inclusion of migrants
include social programmes, legal protection
schemes, life-skills programmes for under 18’s,
financial programmes as well as bilateral labour
agreements.
Most of the 17 MISMES implemented in Lebanon in the 10 years
from 2006 were funded by international donors or organisations and
implemented by both local and international organisations. Although the
research targeted all three groups of migrants, it was found that while
refugees are the focus of most measures, few apply specifically to
emigrants or returnees, and very few apply to immigrants to the country.
2006 AND 2016
MISMES
Migrant support measures from an employment
and skills perspective (MISMES) in the Lebanese
context include measures designed to develop,
promote and make efficient use of migrants’
skills, as well as measures designed to
facilitate job matching and employment rights
of migrants and/or to improve their labour
market conditions. Other programmes that may
contribute to the social inclusion of migrants
include social programmes, legal protection
schemes, life-skills programmes for under 18’s,
financial programmes as well as bilateral labour
agreements.
Most of the 17 MISMES implemented in Lebanon in the 10 years
from 2006 were funded by international donors or organisations and
implemented by both local and international organisations. Although the
research targeted all three groups of migrants, it was found that while
refugees are the focus of most measures, few apply specifically to
emigrants or returnees, and very few apply to immigrants to the country.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This edited volume supports the movement to eradicate gender-based violence in Lebanon and throughout the Arab World. It contributes to eliminating gender inequality by documenting, analyzing, and showing ways to overcome social, legal,... more
This edited volume supports the movement to eradicate gender-based violence in Lebanon and throughout the Arab World. It contributes to eliminating gender inequality by documenting, analyzing, and showing ways to overcome social, legal, and familial obstacles to equality. Strengthening women's agency, that is women's resolve and empowerment to define the basis and execution of their own discourse of revitalization and activism, is one important path towards that goal. Through engaging and tackling Islamic modernism and secular nationalism discourses, the editors and contributors to this volume aim to advance women's rights and claim space for women's agency to become effective.
Research Interests: Religion, Sociology of Religion, Comparative Politics, International Relations, Women's Studies, and 27 moreDomestic Violence, Women's History, Middle East Studies, Religion and Politics, Political Science, Sexual Violence, Lebanon, Syrian Studies, Turkish and Middle East Studies, History of Religions, Women and Gender Issues in Islam, Modern Middle East History, Violence Against Women, Middle Eastern Studies, Syriac Studies, Syria, Middle East Politics, Gender And Violence, Syriac Christianity, Women and Culture, Middle East, Religious Studies, Women and Gender Studies, Lebanon, Syria, Israel and Palestine (History and Archaeology), Syrian Conflict, Anthropology of Religion, and Public Policy
Policy Brief: The forced migration of people is first and foremost a humanitarian issue. However, large influx of displaced persons to neighboring countries with national political and developmental challenges calls for innovative... more
Policy Brief: The forced migration of people is first and foremost a humanitarian issue. However, large influx of displaced persons to neighboring countries with national political and developmental challenges calls for innovative measures that will assist the displaced population and their host communities through development approaches and will enhance their resilience against animosity and criminality.
This policy brief examines the impact of the Syrian refugees on the host communities and the labor market in Lebanon. It also weighs the vulnerability of both communities in light of various threats including the security peril of the radical groups in the region. The brief is based on the results of fieldwork and research conducted in various regions in Lebanon between 2011 and 2014, as well as on monitoring the media both in Lebanon and in the region.
The results of this research reveal that with the influx of the Syrian population into Lebanon, the country has received a huge number of low-wage, low- and semi-skilled laborers. This, combined with a slowdown of the economy caused by the conflict in Syria and exacerbated by political tensions and security challenges, has a) caused fierce competition for scarce low- and medium-skill jobs particularly in the informal sector; b) has driven wages down; and c) has put many Lebanese out of work. The abundant cheap labor seems to be to the mutual benefit of both Lebanese employers and Syrian employees, but severely undermines the position of the Lebanese workforce. While Syrian refugees were receiving aid assistance, affected host-communities in Lebanon were largely ignored; and while Syrian refugees were accepting below-average wages, host-communities were driven out of the labor market and poorer Lebanese were pushed into insolvency. Consequently, resentment toward the Syrian refugees among members of the host-communities has been rising and leading to social antagonism.
The Lebanese on the whole have been hospitable to the Syrian refugees, sympathizing with their plight. However, the protracted crisis in Syria and the downturn of the economy in Lebanon, combined with security threats, has had a tremendous impact on the country, the Lebanese host communities, and the refugees themselves.
The majority of the Lebanese who took part in this research indicated their support for a) revoking the “open door policy”; b) establishing UN refugee camps in safe areas inside Syria or on the Syrian-Lebanese borders; c) applying the rules on the employment of foreigners to the Syrian refugee workforce in Lebanon; d) settling Syrian refugees in countries with less population density than Lebanon, whether in the Gulf region or in Western countries; e) finding alternative routes and markets for Lebanese goods; and f) finding sources of funds to assist Lebanon in this heavy burden that is beyond its capacity.
This brief suggests that, now that the initial emergency-level services are completed and the Syrian population in Lebanon is stabilized, post-emergency refugee programs should be devised and implemented. The brief posits that a transition from aid-centered to development-centered programs is urgently needed to a) help both refugees and host communities; b) benefit from the abundance of labor; c) engage the host country in socio-economic development that would compensate for the cost of caring for the displaced; and d) enhance the resilience of both refugees and hosts against animosity and criminality.
Host governments resist development approaches to dealing with the refugees for fear of reducing the intent to repatriate or resettle. I join Konyndyk in his position that “economic integration is unlikely to be a greater incentive to stay in the country of asylum than the provision of completely free food, health care, and education.”
This policy brief examines the impact of the Syrian refugees on the host communities and the labor market in Lebanon. It also weighs the vulnerability of both communities in light of various threats including the security peril of the radical groups in the region. The brief is based on the results of fieldwork and research conducted in various regions in Lebanon between 2011 and 2014, as well as on monitoring the media both in Lebanon and in the region.
The results of this research reveal that with the influx of the Syrian population into Lebanon, the country has received a huge number of low-wage, low- and semi-skilled laborers. This, combined with a slowdown of the economy caused by the conflict in Syria and exacerbated by political tensions and security challenges, has a) caused fierce competition for scarce low- and medium-skill jobs particularly in the informal sector; b) has driven wages down; and c) has put many Lebanese out of work. The abundant cheap labor seems to be to the mutual benefit of both Lebanese employers and Syrian employees, but severely undermines the position of the Lebanese workforce. While Syrian refugees were receiving aid assistance, affected host-communities in Lebanon were largely ignored; and while Syrian refugees were accepting below-average wages, host-communities were driven out of the labor market and poorer Lebanese were pushed into insolvency. Consequently, resentment toward the Syrian refugees among members of the host-communities has been rising and leading to social antagonism.
The Lebanese on the whole have been hospitable to the Syrian refugees, sympathizing with their plight. However, the protracted crisis in Syria and the downturn of the economy in Lebanon, combined with security threats, has had a tremendous impact on the country, the Lebanese host communities, and the refugees themselves.
The majority of the Lebanese who took part in this research indicated their support for a) revoking the “open door policy”; b) establishing UN refugee camps in safe areas inside Syria or on the Syrian-Lebanese borders; c) applying the rules on the employment of foreigners to the Syrian refugee workforce in Lebanon; d) settling Syrian refugees in countries with less population density than Lebanon, whether in the Gulf region or in Western countries; e) finding alternative routes and markets for Lebanese goods; and f) finding sources of funds to assist Lebanon in this heavy burden that is beyond its capacity.
This brief suggests that, now that the initial emergency-level services are completed and the Syrian population in Lebanon is stabilized, post-emergency refugee programs should be devised and implemented. The brief posits that a transition from aid-centered to development-centered programs is urgently needed to a) help both refugees and host communities; b) benefit from the abundance of labor; c) engage the host country in socio-economic development that would compensate for the cost of caring for the displaced; and d) enhance the resilience of both refugees and hosts against animosity and criminality.
Host governments resist development approaches to dealing with the refugees for fear of reducing the intent to repatriate or resettle. I join Konyndyk in his position that “economic integration is unlikely to be a greater incentive to stay in the country of asylum than the provision of completely free food, health care, and education.”
Research Interests:
Research and theoretical literature of the past several years has shown how mass inflow of refugees generates both short- and long-term repercussions on the hosting communities. The Syrian crisis has had an immense impact on the hosting... more
Research and theoretical literature of the past several years has shown how mass inflow of refugees generates both short- and long-term repercussions on the hosting communities. The Syrian crisis has had an immense impact on the hosting communities, particularly in Lebanon. Lebanon hosted an estimated 1.5 million registered and unregistered refugees as of the onset of the Syrian crisis in 2011. Overall, the Lebanese have been hospitable to the Syrian refugees (SR); however, overall downward socioeconomic mobility coupled with tough competition in the labor market by the Syrians and a disparity in humanitarian assistance between the refugees and poor host communities, has led to disproportionate competition, thus generating animosity toward the Syrian refugees. This “labor market flooding” has caused fierce competition for scarce low- and medium-skill jobs, has driven minimum wages down, and has put many Lebanese out of work. This “flooding” seems to mutually benefit both Lebanese employers and Syrian employees, but severely undermines the position of the Lebanese workforce. Providing work opportunities to refugees restores their dignity, improves protection, reduces dependency and vulnerability, and increases empowerment. With the advent of jihadist groups, refugees and vulnerable hosts may be easy prey for terrorist recruitment which undermines refugees’ safety and Lebanon’s stability. Most of the interventions to deal with the Syrian refugees and their impact on Lebanon have so far been aid-centered. In this paper, I posit that with protracted refugee situations, interventions need to move from an aid-centered to a development-centered assistance, which would a) reduce the level of resentment and tension in the labor market between nationals and refugees; b) provide refugees with livelihoods and income-generating opportunities, hence, reducing dependency on aid; c) engage affected host communities by creating labor-intensive employment projects, thus helping them avoid insolvency; d) capitalize on the availability of abundant and cheap labor; e) enhance the refugees’ skills and capacities though training and work experience that will benefit them in post-return and post-war reconstruction; f) aid the host country in its developmental goals in sectors affected by the presence of Syrian refugees; and g) reduce the vulnerability and enhance the of both refugees and host societies to being lured into security-threatening, illegal, and immoral activities. This paper is based on intermittent fieldwork and research conducted between June 2011 and December 2014 in various districts in Lebanon with massive presence of Syrian refugees, as well as on media monitoring and literature review.
Research Interests:
يبحث موجز السياسات هذا في تأثير وجود اللاجئين السوريين، وتأثير سياسة "الباب المفتوح" وتساهل الحكومة تجاه عمل اللاجئين في لبنان بشكل عام وعلى سوق العمل اللبناني بوجه خاص. ويستند الموجز الى نتائج أبحاث أجريت بين عامي 2012- 2013. أظهرت... more
يبحث موجز السياسات هذا في تأثير وجود اللاجئين السوريين، وتأثير سياسة "الباب المفتوح" وتساهل الحكومة تجاه عمل اللاجئين في لبنان بشكل عام وعلى سوق العمل اللبناني بوجه خاص. ويستند الموجز الى نتائج أبحاث أجريت بين عامي 2012- 2013. أظهرت النتائج تزايد المنافسة على فرص العمل النادرة في القطاع غير النظامي وفي المؤسسات الصغيرة والمتوسطة. وفيما يستفيد السوريون من المساعدات المقدمة لهم كلاجئين ومن كون مستواهم المعيشي متدني، نراهم يقومون باقتناص فرص العمل من امام اللبنانيين من خلال طلب أجور متدنية مما يتسبب بخسارة العاملين اللبنانيين لوظائفهم او يدفعهم الى قبول أجر أقل بكثير مما يلزمهم لتوفير مسلتزمات حياتهم.
لقد أظهر اللبنانيون الكثير من حسن الضيافة لللاجئين السوريين ومن تفهم لمحنتهم، الا انه سرعان ما تولَدت منافسة شديدة بينهم وبين السوريين اللاجئين بسبب وجود تفاوت في المساعدات العينية والمالية بين اللاجئين ومضيفيهم الفقراء، اضافة إلى تدهور الوضعين الاجتماعي والاقتصادي لدى اللبناني، وانعدام الأمن البشري، واستغلال السوريين لسوق العمل ومضاربتهم غير الشرعية مما ولَد العداء تجاه اللاجئين السوريين. وأكدت غالبية اللبنانيين ممن شارك في مجموعات التركيز أو المقابلات على ضرورة: أ) الحدَ من"سياسة الباب المفتوح" من خلال عدم السماح للمزيد من السوريين بالدخول إلى لبنان؛ ب) إنشاء مخيمات لإيواء اللاجئين السوريين الذين نزحوا الى لبنان؛ ج) تطبيق القواعد المرعية الاجراء في توظيف الأجانب على العمال السوريين في لبنان؛ د) مساعدة العمال اللبنانيين والحرفيين الذين يتأثرون بشكل مباشر بالأزمة السورية وبعمالة للاجئين السوريين؛ وه) إيجاد طرق تصدير مرادفة للخطوط البرية مثل الخطوط البحرية من اجل تفعيل تصدير البضائع اللبنانية؛ و) إعادة تنشيط الاقتصاد اللبناني من خلال مشاريع تنموية تستوجب يد عاملة كثيفة.
لقد أظهر اللبنانيون الكثير من حسن الضيافة لللاجئين السوريين ومن تفهم لمحنتهم، الا انه سرعان ما تولَدت منافسة شديدة بينهم وبين السوريين اللاجئين بسبب وجود تفاوت في المساعدات العينية والمالية بين اللاجئين ومضيفيهم الفقراء، اضافة إلى تدهور الوضعين الاجتماعي والاقتصادي لدى اللبناني، وانعدام الأمن البشري، واستغلال السوريين لسوق العمل ومضاربتهم غير الشرعية مما ولَد العداء تجاه اللاجئين السوريين. وأكدت غالبية اللبنانيين ممن شارك في مجموعات التركيز أو المقابلات على ضرورة: أ) الحدَ من"سياسة الباب المفتوح" من خلال عدم السماح للمزيد من السوريين بالدخول إلى لبنان؛ ب) إنشاء مخيمات لإيواء اللاجئين السوريين الذين نزحوا الى لبنان؛ ج) تطبيق القواعد المرعية الاجراء في توظيف الأجانب على العمال السوريين في لبنان؛ د) مساعدة العمال اللبنانيين والحرفيين الذين يتأثرون بشكل مباشر بالأزمة السورية وبعمالة للاجئين السوريين؛ وه) إيجاد طرق تصدير مرادفة للخطوط البرية مثل الخطوط البحرية من اجل تفعيل تصدير البضائع اللبنانية؛ و) إعادة تنشيط الاقتصاد اللبناني من خلال مشاريع تنموية تستوجب يد عاملة كثيفة.
Lebanon is a source country of migration; it is an exporter of human resources, which goes mainly to the Gulf States. Given that the Gulf States’ bilateral relations with Lebanon have been deteriorating since the onset of the Syrian... more
Lebanon is a source country of migration; it is an exporter of human resources, which goes mainly to the Gulf States. Given that the Gulf States’ bilateral relations with Lebanon have been deteriorating since the onset of the Syrian crisis, it is easy to see that there may be serious negative impacts on the well-being of the estimated 400,000 Lebanese expats in the Gulf States. In order to see if this is so, we conducted a survey of Lebanese working in the GCC, asking whether the weakening bilateral relations between the GCC and Lebanon was having a negative effect on their well-being. This research turns on the hypotheses that a), bilateral relations can be affected by population mobility and, in turn, that population mobility is affected by bilateral relations; b), when bilateral relations deteriorate between home and host countries, it negatively affects immigrants; and c), there is a clear correlation between bilateral relations and migrant well-being. To test the hypotheses, we used multiple methodologies and harnessed triangulated between literature on migrants, a media review, and our survey questionnaire. In conclusion, we offer three findings:
a) When bilateral relations deteriorate between home and host countries, it negatively affects immigrants;
b) There is a clear correlation between bilateral relations and migrant well-being; and
c) Bilateral relations can be affected by population mobility and, in turn, that population mobility is affected by bilateral relations.
Given these findings, we claim that Lebanon urgently needs to devise a policy that protects its long-term interest with the GCC and to formulate a comprehensive national emigration policy. Lebanon is distinguished by the high degree of skilled human capital it generates and exports, accounting for one quarter of its Gross Domestic Product. Given the size and importance of this factor, Lebanon should therefore deal wisely with the situation before it metastasizes.
a) When bilateral relations deteriorate between home and host countries, it negatively affects immigrants;
b) There is a clear correlation between bilateral relations and migrant well-being; and
c) Bilateral relations can be affected by population mobility and, in turn, that population mobility is affected by bilateral relations.
Given these findings, we claim that Lebanon urgently needs to devise a policy that protects its long-term interest with the GCC and to formulate a comprehensive national emigration policy. Lebanon is distinguished by the high degree of skilled human capital it generates and exports, accounting for one quarter of its Gross Domestic Product. Given the size and importance of this factor, Lebanon should therefore deal wisely with the situation before it metastasizes.
Lebanon has entered its third year as a country hosting the highest number of Syrian refugees in the region. All geographical areas with a high concentration of Syrian refugees in Lebanon share a similar protracted marginality,... more
Lebanon has entered its third year as a country hosting the highest number of Syrian refugees in the region. All geographical areas with a high concentration of Syrian refugees in Lebanon share a similar protracted marginality, underdevelopment, and weak infrastructure. Syrian refugees experience different levels of legal and political conditions, security and protection, freedom of mobility, access to aid and relief services, access to labor, socio-economic conditions, and prices of goods and rent, all depending on their geographical settlements. These geographical differences are of eminent relevance that affects not only the Syrian refugees and their hosting communities, but also refugee policies and aid programs. This paper explores these variations by analyzing, first, differences among host communities and, second, by examining the dissimilarities among geographic settlements. The paper reveals that the conditions of Syrian refugees depend on the geographical areas of their settlement within Lebanon. Host-refugee relations also show a direct relationship to the variant geographical areas and their sociodemographic compositions. This paper concludes that geographical differences are of vital importance to be considered when studying the living conditions of refugees, developing policies, or designing aid programs.
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The Qannobine -the Qadischa Valley, the Valley of Saints, Holy Valley- in Northern Lebanon is a cornucopia of sacred religious places, where cenobites devoted themselves to God by renouncing the world. The Valley was also a refuge for the... more
The Qannobine -the Qadischa Valley, the Valley of Saints, Holy Valley- in Northern Lebanon is a cornucopia of sacred religious places, where cenobites devoted themselves to God by renouncing the world. The Valley was also a refuge for the persecuted lay Christians who took abode in and around it. Although the Valley has been insufficiently studied in archaeological and ethnological theory, a recent finding confirms that it could be a gold mine for anthropologists, historians, archaeologists and environmentalists. It was between 1989 and 1991 when a group of speleologists from Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches Souterraines du Liban were studying Asi al Hadath Grotto that they discovered a valuable treasure -human remains dating back to the thirteenth-century A.D. Eight naturally mummified bodies were unearthed with their artifacts, embroidered clothes, Syriac and Arabic manuscripts, pottery, coins and household and defense instruments. Based on preliminary studies, it is believed that the mummies are from the Maronite community of the Hadath al Gibbet village located on the edge of the Qannobine Valley. The mummies, which are now housed at the National Museum in Beirut, Lebanon, received radiographic, tomographic and dental examinations at Hotel-Dieu de France in Beirut. In 1996, samples for DNA analysis were sent to the Laboratoire d' Oncologie Moleculaire, Institue Pasteur in France. To date no scientific studies of the examination or the analysis have been made public.
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Concluding Remarks Some conclusions can be drawn about people’s perceptions and opinions about access to information in Lebanon: - Although almost all the interviewed and the surveyed believe that access to information is a right, they... more
Concluding Remarks
Some conclusions can be drawn about people’s perceptions and opinions about access to information in Lebanon:
- Although almost all the interviewed and the surveyed believe that access to information is a right, they also know, to a large extent, that ATI laws and regulations do not exist in Lebanon.
- Information is a commodity with a price tag. Among all the groups in our survey, the consensus view of the ATI landscape in Lebanon at the moment is that information is accessed through influence, bribery and the use of one’s socioeconomic clout. As such power directly impacts access to information, it disadvantages those with less influence, money or clout.
- Professionals, public survey respondents and parliamentarians are all in general agreement that lack of ATI impedes personal and family life as well as professional and business life. Furthermore, almost half of the respondents to the public survey agreed that lack of ATI weakens democratic institutions, prevents people from monitoring their government and from holding their officials accountable for their performance.
- Professionals and the parliamentarians blamed the government for not having an ATI, while respondents to Public Opinion Survey blamed the parliament.
- A majority in all three of our groups favor an ATI law with clear provisions to guarantee access to information of vulnerable and disadvantage persons.
- A clear majority of the professional group and the public opinion respondents were not aware of the ATI draft law of 2009.
- A large majority across all three groups (professionals, public opinion respondents or parliamentarians) indicated their willingness to lobby one way or another for an ATI in Lebanon.
Some conclusions can be drawn about people’s perceptions and opinions about access to information in Lebanon:
- Although almost all the interviewed and the surveyed believe that access to information is a right, they also know, to a large extent, that ATI laws and regulations do not exist in Lebanon.
- Information is a commodity with a price tag. Among all the groups in our survey, the consensus view of the ATI landscape in Lebanon at the moment is that information is accessed through influence, bribery and the use of one’s socioeconomic clout. As such power directly impacts access to information, it disadvantages those with less influence, money or clout.
- Professionals, public survey respondents and parliamentarians are all in general agreement that lack of ATI impedes personal and family life as well as professional and business life. Furthermore, almost half of the respondents to the public survey agreed that lack of ATI weakens democratic institutions, prevents people from monitoring their government and from holding their officials accountable for their performance.
- Professionals and the parliamentarians blamed the government for not having an ATI, while respondents to Public Opinion Survey blamed the parliament.
- A majority in all three of our groups favor an ATI law with clear provisions to guarantee access to information of vulnerable and disadvantage persons.
- A clear majority of the professional group and the public opinion respondents were not aware of the ATI draft law of 2009.
- A large majority across all three groups (professionals, public opinion respondents or parliamentarians) indicated their willingness to lobby one way or another for an ATI in Lebanon.
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This work is being reviewed for publication (May 12, 2020) “Transnationalism from below” is a concept expressing the way migrants relate to their country of origin in economic, cultural and political terms (Guarnizo and Smith 1998;... more
This work is being reviewed for publication (May 12, 2020)
“Transnationalism from below” is a concept expressing the way migrants relate to their country of origin in economic, cultural and political terms (Guarnizo and Smith 1998; Portes 1999; Guarnizo, Portes et al. 2003), while “transnationalism from above” or “external citizenship”, is the way in which the countries of origin take measures in order to channel the transnational activities of migrants (Guarnizo 1998; Mahler 1998; Østergaard-Nielsen 2003d; Smith 2007; Smith 2008; Itzigsohn 2000; Rubio-Marin 2006).
In this research, we are mainly interested in “transnationalism from above”, particularly the methods administered by homeland political parties in networking and mobilizing their diasporas, especially in the case of Lebanon.
The relationship between the political parties in Lebanon and the diaspora began long before the Doha Agreement at which a decision was taken to institute out-of-country voting. All major homeland political parties in Lebanon have established transnational offices or operations abroad in order to deal with their members and supporters who live outside Lebanon, i.e. the Lebanese diaspora. The first political parties to create these offices and who have been networking and mobilizing the diaspora for a considerable period of time are the National Syrian Social Party (NSSP) and the Kataeb Party (KP). There is a duality in the way these political parties portray the Lebanese emigrants as both temporary residents abroad as well as permanent communities in the countries of immigration. As such, they ask them to play a dual role, one in the immigration country and another in Lebanon’s political life.
Using the “transnationalism from above” concept, this research paper aims at a) mapping out the Lebanese political parties that interact with the Lebanese diaspora; b) identify instruments used by the Lebanese political parties to influence Lebanese diaspora relations with the host- and home-lands; c) and identify the means of communication used by the major political parties when networking and mobilizing their members and supporters among the Lebanese in the diaspora.
The paper aims at adding to the discourse on transnationalism and the engagement of immigrants in homeland politics.
"
“Transnationalism from below” is a concept expressing the way migrants relate to their country of origin in economic, cultural and political terms (Guarnizo and Smith 1998; Portes 1999; Guarnizo, Portes et al. 2003), while “transnationalism from above” or “external citizenship”, is the way in which the countries of origin take measures in order to channel the transnational activities of migrants (Guarnizo 1998; Mahler 1998; Østergaard-Nielsen 2003d; Smith 2007; Smith 2008; Itzigsohn 2000; Rubio-Marin 2006).
In this research, we are mainly interested in “transnationalism from above”, particularly the methods administered by homeland political parties in networking and mobilizing their diasporas, especially in the case of Lebanon.
The relationship between the political parties in Lebanon and the diaspora began long before the Doha Agreement at which a decision was taken to institute out-of-country voting. All major homeland political parties in Lebanon have established transnational offices or operations abroad in order to deal with their members and supporters who live outside Lebanon, i.e. the Lebanese diaspora. The first political parties to create these offices and who have been networking and mobilizing the diaspora for a considerable period of time are the National Syrian Social Party (NSSP) and the Kataeb Party (KP). There is a duality in the way these political parties portray the Lebanese emigrants as both temporary residents abroad as well as permanent communities in the countries of immigration. As such, they ask them to play a dual role, one in the immigration country and another in Lebanon’s political life.
Using the “transnationalism from above” concept, this research paper aims at a) mapping out the Lebanese political parties that interact with the Lebanese diaspora; b) identify instruments used by the Lebanese political parties to influence Lebanese diaspora relations with the host- and home-lands; c) and identify the means of communication used by the major political parties when networking and mobilizing their members and supporters among the Lebanese in the diaspora.
The paper aims at adding to the discourse on transnationalism and the engagement of immigrants in homeland politics.
"
Research Interests: Sociology, Anthropology, Philosophy, Communication, Multiculturalism, and 17 morePolitical Parties, Theology, Middle East Studies, Transnationalism, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Media, Migration Studies, Syria, Islam, Middle East Politics, Intercultural dialogue, Political Mobilization, Citizenship, Identity, Ethnicity and National Identity, and Immigration Status & Nationality
Research Interests: Religion, Middle East Studies, Migration, Politics, Israel/Palestine, and 18 moreLebanon, Gender, Culture, Oral Traditions, Syria, Middle East Politics, Ethnicity, Refugees, Citizenship, Statelessness, Minorities, Language politics, State, Displacement, Borders and Borderlands, Ethnicity and National Identity, Refugee memory, and Immigration Status & Nationality
"On December 12, 2011, the Council of Ministers in Lebanon unanimously approved the draft law extending the reacquisition of citizenship by descendants of Lebanese emigrants. Under this draft law, descendants of expatriates of Lebanese... more
"On December 12, 2011, the Council of Ministers in Lebanon unanimously approved the draft law extending the reacquisition of citizenship by descendants of Lebanese emigrants.
Under this draft law, descendants of expatriates of Lebanese origin holding documents that prove patrilineal Lebanese ancestry may apply for Lebanese citizenship if they choose to through a simplified procedure set forth in the draft law. Although previously the lack of documents proving Lebanese lineage made it difficult for Lebanese descendents to acquire citizenship, the draft law includes a wider and more realistic set of provisions that prove Lebanese lineage. The burden of proof of lineage continues to rest on the applicant, but the new draft law has added criteria that are less complicated to meet. Lebanon does not prohibit dual citizenship but rather tolerates it and as such applicants for Lebanese citizenship can apply without fear of having to renounce their current citizenship. According to a brief interview with MP Ghassan E. Moukheiber, “the draft law will be submitted to Parliament and a simple majority vote would make it into law” (personal communication December 15, 2011). Mr. Moukheiber envisages that, assuming that the draft law is not subject to amendment by Parliament, the law will pass without controversy, as it was approved by the Parliamentary Administrative and Justice Committee in the previous Parliament of 2005- 2009."
Under this draft law, descendants of expatriates of Lebanese origin holding documents that prove patrilineal Lebanese ancestry may apply for Lebanese citizenship if they choose to through a simplified procedure set forth in the draft law. Although previously the lack of documents proving Lebanese lineage made it difficult for Lebanese descendents to acquire citizenship, the draft law includes a wider and more realistic set of provisions that prove Lebanese lineage. The burden of proof of lineage continues to rest on the applicant, but the new draft law has added criteria that are less complicated to meet. Lebanon does not prohibit dual citizenship but rather tolerates it and as such applicants for Lebanese citizenship can apply without fear of having to renounce their current citizenship. According to a brief interview with MP Ghassan E. Moukheiber, “the draft law will be submitted to Parliament and a simple majority vote would make it into law” (personal communication December 15, 2011). Mr. Moukheiber envisages that, assuming that the draft law is not subject to amendment by Parliament, the law will pass without controversy, as it was approved by the Parliamentary Administrative and Justice Committee in the previous Parliament of 2005- 2009."
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Research Interests: Religion, Assyriology, Middle East Studies, Migration, Israel/Palestine, and 18 moreLebanon, Gender, Culture, Oral Traditions, Syria, Kurdish Question in Turkey, Middle East Politics, Ethnicity, Refugees, Citizenship, Minorities, Language politics, State, Displacement, Borders and Borderlands, Ethnicity and National Identity, Refugee memory, and Immigration Status & Nationality
The author analyzes the strength of the association between citizenship acquisition/naturalization and socioeconomic mobility and political participation through Subjective Social Status (SSS) among 164 Kurds who were naturalized Lebanese... more
The author analyzes the strength of the association between citizenship acquisition/naturalization and socioeconomic mobility and political participation through Subjective Social Status (SSS) among 164 Kurds who were naturalized Lebanese by the Presidential Decree 5247/1994 of June 20, 1994. The author examined intragenerational socioeconomic mobility and political participation by comparing the immigrants’ SSS at the time of naturalization (i.e. 1994) to their SSS 15 years after (i.e. 2010). Analysis suggests that relative mobility occurred among the population of this study in the last 15 years. The findings indicate that naturalization has positively impacted the socioeconomic mobility of a large segment of the surveyed naturalized Kurds. The findings also suggest that political participation, especially voting, although very high, is clientelist in its nature and that “the naturalized are not at all ‘free’ in their voting behavior, but are rather prisoners of the one thing that should have freed them-- their citizenship -- because many believe that they owe their citizenship to one politician or another” (Hourani and Sensenig-Dabbous). The study concludes that a) citizenship has had a generally positive impact on the Kurds surveyed, with the degree of improvement differing between one person and another according to inherited capital and individual life choices; b) upward income and job mobility were statistically significant; c) residence rate mobility was widespread; and d) self identification of social class showed upward mobility. In terms of political participation, the study concluded that a) there is a high voting turnout among this cohort, b) that voting patterns and self-descriptions of voting motivation display a high level of clientelism, and c) that there is a high level of dissatisfaction in the representation of the Kurds in the parliament and the municipal elections.
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"Cooperation with third states constitutes an important pillar of the EU’s migration policy. This study analyses to which extent the cooperation between the EU and its neighbouring countries had an impact on the protection of the rights... more
"Cooperation with third states constitutes an important pillar of the EU’s migration policy. This study analyses to which extent the cooperation between the EU and its neighbouring countries had an impact on the protection of the rights of migrants and refugees in the respective countries. It gives a general overview of the state of the art of national migration policies and legislations in the Eastern and Western European neighbourhood and the Western Balkan states. Three case studies on Georgia, Kosovo and Lebanon illustrate further the country specific situation of migrants and refugees and provide for a detailed analysis of the implications the EU engagement
had on the protection of human rights. The development of national migration policies was mainly due to the engagement of the EU, however, these policies have been shaped rather by EU security considerations than by national migration-related concerns leading to the adoption of very restrictive national migration policies likely to endanger the rights of migrants. The study concludes by offering a set of recommendations to encourage the EU to move the debate on future cooperation with neigbouring states on migration issues in a more migrants’ rights centered direction that is in compliance with the principles of the rule of law, good governance, democracy and human rights."
had on the protection of human rights. The development of national migration policies was mainly due to the engagement of the EU, however, these policies have been shaped rather by EU security considerations than by national migration-related concerns leading to the adoption of very restrictive national migration policies likely to endanger the rights of migrants. The study concludes by offering a set of recommendations to encourage the EU to move the debate on future cooperation with neigbouring states on migration issues in a more migrants’ rights centered direction that is in compliance with the principles of the rule of law, good governance, democracy and human rights."
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In 1994, 4 years after the end of the Civil War, Lebanon passed Presidential Decree 5427 naturalizing over 154,931 foreign residents. During the four parliamentary elections that followed, these naturalized citizens demonstrated a higher... more
In 1994, 4 years after the end of the Civil War, Lebanon passed Presidential Decree 5427 naturalizing over 154,931 foreign residents. During the four parliamentary elections that followed, these naturalized citizens demonstrated a higher rate of voter participation than the native-born population. The current debate on the nativity gap assumes that recent naturalization should indicate lower rates of voter turnout, except when machine politics orchestrates the opposite. In Lebanon, the patron–client system seems to be responsible for this inverse nativity gap.
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Research Interests: Middle East Studies, Migration, Lebanon, Remittances, Emigration, and 5 moreLebanese, Brain Drain, Managing Human Resources As an Approach to Curbing Brain Drain and the Migration of Qualified Persons in Lebanon, (in Arabic), by Guita Hourani, National Defense Magazine, No 62, October, 10, 2007, pp. 52-82., Gulf Countries, and Qualified Migrants
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Insecurity, Migration and Return: The Case of Lebanon Following the Summer 2006 War, co-authored by Guita Hourani and Dr. Eugene Sensenig-Dabbous, based on survey work conducted with a team of interns and students. The research was commissioned by the Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM), Research Reports [CARIM-RR 2007/01], Robert Schumann Centre for Advanced Studies, San Domenico di Fiesole Florence, Italy: European University Institute, 2007.more
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The Lebanese Emigration Research Center (LERC) of Notre Dame University (NDU) in Lebanon and the European Union Democracy Observatory (EUDO) in Italy are pleased to announce the publication of a new report on the acquisition and loss of... more
The Lebanese Emigration Research Center (LERC) of Notre Dame University (NDU) in Lebanon and the European Union Democracy Observatory (EUDO) in Italy are pleased to announce the publication of a new report on the acquisition and loss of citizenship in Lebanon entitled Country Report: Lebanon.
Lebanon’s citizenship regime reflects the lack of consensus on the country’s identity that has plagued it since its formation as a nation-state. The inability to reach agreement on what Lebanon is, and who the Lebanese are, can be easily appreciated when considering that the basic piece of legislation regulating Lebanese citizenship is still a Decision of the French High Commissioner dating back to 1925. All the neighboring countries passed new legislation regulating citizenship after attaining independence, but for Lebanon. The issue of citizenship is one of the main grounds of conflict and impediment in Lebanese politics.
This report is intended to offer some historical insights into the formation and development of Lebanese citizenship, a concise but thorough review of its current regulations, and a fairly comprehensive account of the areas of the present-day debate over it. Mirroring the domestic debate, the report focuses on the politics of Lebanese citizenship for the Palestinians in Lebanon, women’s citizenship rights, and reacquisition of citizenship by descendants of the migrants.
Finding reliable information on citizenship regulations and policies is essential in guiding public debates and informing policy-making. Such data are not easily accessible. Thus by publishing this country profile with EUDO CITIZENSHIP observatory specification, the report and the country profile become a reference and an on-line reliable and relevant source on the subject for researchers, policy-makers, NGOs, INGOs, students, and interested public.
Lebanon’s citizenship regime reflects the lack of consensus on the country’s identity that has plagued it since its formation as a nation-state. The inability to reach agreement on what Lebanon is, and who the Lebanese are, can be easily appreciated when considering that the basic piece of legislation regulating Lebanese citizenship is still a Decision of the French High Commissioner dating back to 1925. All the neighboring countries passed new legislation regulating citizenship after attaining independence, but for Lebanon. The issue of citizenship is one of the main grounds of conflict and impediment in Lebanese politics.
This report is intended to offer some historical insights into the formation and development of Lebanese citizenship, a concise but thorough review of its current regulations, and a fairly comprehensive account of the areas of the present-day debate over it. Mirroring the domestic debate, the report focuses on the politics of Lebanese citizenship for the Palestinians in Lebanon, women’s citizenship rights, and reacquisition of citizenship by descendants of the migrants.
Finding reliable information on citizenship regulations and policies is essential in guiding public debates and informing policy-making. Such data are not easily accessible. Thus by publishing this country profile with EUDO CITIZENSHIP observatory specification, the report and the country profile become a reference and an on-line reliable and relevant source on the subject for researchers, policy-makers, NGOs, INGOs, students, and interested public.
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Lebanon was in a dire situation before the blast that shredded the lives and livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of people apart in Beirut. The country’s people are struggling to survive an economic and political crisis, exacerbated by... more
Lebanon was in a dire situation before the blast that shredded the lives and livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of people apart in Beirut. The country’s people are struggling to survive an
economic and political crisis, exacerbated by the COVID-19 health crisis.
One of the big issues facing Lebanon in the wake of the recent crises is the "brain drain" - the
flow of university-educated young people leaving the country in search of better prospects
abroad. These include some who returned in the 90s to a reconstruction boom after the Civil
War, now these same returnees are sending their kids off to pursue better opportunities.
While such concerns have been present for decades, they have gained increasing prominence
as many developed countries have moved to more skill-selective immigration systems (for example Canada).
While those Lebanese who emigrate are usually very successful and contribute a lot to the societies they enter, they are also leaving a gap wide open, as they are the ones that have the
brains to positively impact Lebanon.
economic and political crisis, exacerbated by the COVID-19 health crisis.
One of the big issues facing Lebanon in the wake of the recent crises is the "brain drain" - the
flow of university-educated young people leaving the country in search of better prospects
abroad. These include some who returned in the 90s to a reconstruction boom after the Civil
War, now these same returnees are sending their kids off to pursue better opportunities.
While such concerns have been present for decades, they have gained increasing prominence
as many developed countries have moved to more skill-selective immigration systems (for example Canada).
While those Lebanese who emigrate are usually very successful and contribute a lot to the societies they enter, they are also leaving a gap wide open, as they are the ones that have the
brains to positively impact Lebanon.
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En facilitant le regain de nationalité pour ses émigrés, le Liban espère faciliter les investissements d'une diaspora qui réussit, mais aussi redonner du poids à sa population chrétienne. Le restaurant le Comptoir Libanais à Londres. /... more
En facilitant le regain de nationalité pour ses émigrés, le Liban espère faciliter les investissements d'une diaspora qui réussit, mais aussi redonner du poids à sa population chrétienne. Le restaurant le Comptoir Libanais à Londres. / FLYNET UK / BESTIMAGE Au sous-sol de l'université de Notre-Dame (NDU), le musée de l'émigration libanaise réuni une collection de photos jaunies appartenant aux Libanais partis aux quatre coins du monde depuis la fin du XIX e siècle. Diplômes nord-américains, équipes de football
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The Syrian Refugee Crisis (SRC) has become one of the most harrowing global humanitarian disasters. The crisis represents not only monumental challenges to the people that it affects but also puts great strain on host countries and... more
The Syrian Refugee Crisis (SRC) has become one of the most harrowing global
humanitarian disasters. The crisis represents not only monumental challenges to the
people that it affects but also puts great strain on host countries and the international
community. The SRC has caused among others:
a) The internal displacement of five million persons.
b) The influx of over two and a half million refugees into neighboring countries, namely Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt.
c) The succumbing of host countries and their societies to the heavy burden of the refugee crisis.
d) The unveiling of the apathy demonstrated by countries constituting the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in terms of humanitarian aid, hosting, or settlement
potentials.
humanitarian disasters. The crisis represents not only monumental challenges to the
people that it affects but also puts great strain on host countries and the international
community. The SRC has caused among others:
a) The internal displacement of five million persons.
b) The influx of over two and a half million refugees into neighboring countries, namely Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt.
c) The succumbing of host countries and their societies to the heavy burden of the refugee crisis.
d) The unveiling of the apathy demonstrated by countries constituting the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in terms of humanitarian aid, hosting, or settlement
potentials.
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Dr. Hourani’s research examines the Lebanese emigrants’ geopolitical orientations, confidence in the governing system and actors, their preferences in regards to the current and proposed political systems in Lebanon. Using an online... more
Dr. Hourani’s research examines the Lebanese emigrants’ geopolitical orientations, confidence in the governing system and actors, their preferences in regards to the current and proposed political systems in Lebanon. Using an online anonymous survey of Lebanese emigrants’ public opinion, Dr. Hourani hypothesized that geopolitical orientations are likely to vary within the Lebanese emigrants’ population depending on socio-economic status, educational attainment, gender, political affinity, country of migration, among others. In Lebanon, geographical, social, and ethno-religious diversity, as well as provincial development disparity, are also possible powerful factors conditioning the answers to the survey. She further hypothesized that Lebanese in general and Lebanese emigrants, in particular, have diverse geopolitical imaginations which are at the core of the present political polarization in the country.
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Moderating and discussing Panel V- The Ongoing Discoveries with two presenters: Ms. Tania Sammons : Former-curator, Telfair Museum, Georgia, USA - Gibran and Mary Haskell, A Literary Journey. Mr. Francesco Medici : Literary Critic,... more
Moderating and discussing Panel V- The Ongoing Discoveries with two presenters:
Ms. Tania Sammons : Former-curator, Telfair Museum, Georgia, USA - Gibran and Mary Haskell, A Literary Journey.
Mr. Francesco Medici : Literary Critic, Researcher, Italy - Tracing Gibran’s footsteps: Unpublished and rare material.
Ms. Tania Sammons : Former-curator, Telfair Museum, Georgia, USA - Gibran and Mary Haskell, A Literary Journey.
Mr. Francesco Medici : Literary Critic, Researcher, Italy - Tracing Gibran’s footsteps: Unpublished and rare material.
This paper was presented at UNESCO's 60th Meeting of the Bureau of IPDC Thematic debate on Media and Migration in Paris. the Thematic debate was concerned with how the media is dealing with the refugees issue today given the important... more
This paper was presented at UNESCO's 60th Meeting of the Bureau of IPDC Thematic debate on Media and Migration in Paris. the Thematic debate was concerned with how the media is dealing with the refugees issue today given the important role of the media in influencing and shaping public opinion, providing information and making diverse voices heard.
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My new research project
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This presentation looks at the ‘return’ motivations of some Lebanese emigrants and their families, as a counter-diasporic occurrence. The research revealed that their return demonstrates diverse mobility patterns and that some return at... more
This presentation looks at the ‘return’ motivations of some Lebanese emigrants and their families, as a counter-diasporic occurrence. The research revealed that their return demonstrates diverse mobility patterns and that some return at various points in their life course and in different familial situations. Lifestyle counter-diasporic migration can include retirement migration, leisure migration, (international) counter-urbanization, second-home ownership, amenity-seeking, and seasonal migration, among others. We, therefore, are using lifestyle migration as a conceptual framework to this counter-diasporic migration and to position it in the wider structural and historical forces of migration.
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Dr. Guita Hourani, Oghma’s Advisory Board Chair, was interviewed by journalist Asrar Chbaro of Al Hurra for her report on the current exodus from Lebanon and its impact on the demographic, economic, and social state of Lebanese society.
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The article is about migration from Lebanon to West Africa
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Interview on the impact of migration on the aging of the Lebanese population.
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Forced migration in Lebanon due to political, economic, financial, and security instability.
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Insecurity and migration in Lebanon and the exodus of the Lebanese people especially the youth.
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The exodus of Lebanese youth following the political, economic, and security crisis in Lebanon.
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Migration from Lebanon following the explosion of the Port of Beirut.
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Migration From Lebanon after August 4th 2020 Blast of the Port of Beirut
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Interview about facts pertaining to current forced migration from Lebanon.