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WHAT DOES THE ARAB NEWSPAPER THINK ABOUT ITSELF?
September 22, 2014
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You are here: Home / MERIA / Media Coverage of the Middle East / WHAT DOES THE ARAB
NEWSPAPER THINK ABOUT ITSELF?
WHAT DOES THE ARAB NEWSPAPER
THINK ABOUT ITSELF?
By Yonatan Gonen July 17, 2014
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Arab newspapers at the newsstand.
Recent data appear to demonstrate the weakening of the Arab newspapers versus strengthening of the
digital media. However, this weakening is less extensive than the corresponding erosion of Western
newspapers in their own markets. This study examines the question of how Arab newspapers see
themselves. A content and discourse analysis of articles in seven newspapers of different
characteristics and distribution zones indicates an ambivalent attitude towards the Arab newspaper:
On the one hand, many articles and reports express a positive attitude towards the newspapers and a
hostile attitude to the Internet, but, on the other hand, more than a quarter of the articles expressed a
negative attitude towards the newspapers and most of the articles admitted that Arab newspapers are
in crisis. Based on this finding, the reporters and editors of the Arab newspapers can be seen as an
interpretive community, which structures its identity. The shared discourse that they produce around
the topic of newspapers’ status is a marker of how they see themselves as journalists.
INTRODUCTION
Since newspapers first arrived in the Middle East, around the beginning of the 19th century,
newspapers have played important roles in the life of Arab residents. Although many newspapers do
not allow space for discussion and do not investigate governmental injustices, they provide valuable
information that affects a large public, reinforce cultural values and instill a rich intellectual
heritage[1]. In recent years, these newspapers, like many newspapers in the West, have experience a
decline in revenues and have seen new media bite into their share of popularity. This is particularly
notable in light of the events of the “Arab Spring.” However, these difficulties are not as severe as the
crisis facing the Western press, and it seems that the Arab newspapers survive, for now, the
technological wave[2].
The Arab newspapers’ current status and their vague future receive a large echo among the Arab
public. One reason for this is the fear among some groups in the Middle East that the advancement of
new media signifies a broader dangerous trend towards a technological area that will put Arab legacy
at risk. Shaykh Saalih al-Fawzaan, for example, appealed in November 2013 to all Muslims,
recommending: “Don’t bring them [the new media] into your homes. Don’t leave them with your
children and your wives because they are what hinder from the religion and from the path of Allah,
and divert them from being upright and cause them to fall into deviation and misguidance’[3]. This
topic is also discussed within the print journalism community itself, an interpretive community which
still constitutes a powerful opinion leader in the Middle East. However, the question of how the Arab
newspaper sees its status has not been studied yet.
This study aims to address this absence, examining whether Arab newspapers define their own
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condition as a crisis, and exploring their attitudes about whether they will survive the digital
revolution and about relationships between the newspapers and the internet. These issues are
examined in this study through a content analysis of Arab newspapers. First, a literature review will
focus on the global journalism crisis, the causes that led to it and its implications. This part also
presents current research about the situation of newspapers in the Arab world and theories about
journalistic communities. Following a discussion of research method, a qualitative analysis of content
and discourse of articles in Arab print newspapers that deal with the condition of this press, the
findings of this research are presented. Finally, this study concludes with a brief summary offering
conclusions and recommendations for further research.
THE PRESS CRISIS
Many recent studies have dealt with the crisis facing newspapers today, its causes and its meaning,
especially in the West. Many of them paint a negative picture of the future of the press[4]. A small
number of studies has dealt with the status of newspapers in developing countries. Some of them have
shown that the circulation of newspapers in these countries has actually increased[5].
The newspaper crisis has been mainly caused by economic factors, including dependence on
advertising as a source of income. The income from sales of papers has decreased and technological
changes, particularly the Internet, have also deteriorated of newspapers’ standing with their
readership. The Internet has changed customs and values in the process of news production, and the
rise of new media and formats has changed the way readers consume news[6]. At the same time, the
crisis of newspapers in several countries is attributed to broader social changes, such as loss of
confidence in newspapers given the history of fraud, corruption and ethical crimes associated with
them[7].
Studies have demonstrated the repercussions of this crisis: fewer young people reading newspapers,
declining circulation, dismissal of journalists and closing of newspapers[8]. The crisis has also had a
negative impact on democracy, undermining the “watchdog” role of the press and the role of
journalism as a tool for free expression[9]
To address the crisis, studies have suggested that newspapers reduce costs and develop business
models that are not solely based on advertising revenue, but take into account the change in producing
news and its consumption[10]. Other solutions have focused on professional practices: changing
newspapers’ content and improving their quality[11]. Finally, researchers have emphasized the need
to embrace new media and see it as an opportunity to involve readers in the process of creating
news[12]. On the other hand, some researchers warn against the blind assumption that the use of
Internet will necessarily infuse a new liveliness into journalism and, with it, into democracy[13].
JOURNALISTS AS INTERPRETIVE COMMUNITIES
To date, no quantitative or qualitative studies have been conducted, into how newspapers present their
own situation through reports and articles. However, some scholars have dealt with the question of
how journalistic communities structure their identity, delineate their boundaries and strengthen their
authority. Zelizer proposed viewing journalists as members of an “interpretive community,” united by
its shared discourse and collective interpretations of key public events[14]. The shared discourse that
journalists produce is thus a marker of how they see themselves as journalists. Journalists consolidate
themselves as an interpretive community when discussing everyday work. Reporters use discourse to
discuss, consider and at times challenge the reigning consensus surrounding journalistic practice even
as they adapt to changing technologies, changing circumstances and the changing stature of the news
industry.
For example, Tenenboim-Weinblatt used the figure of Jon Stewart — host of Comedy Central’s The
Daily Show with Jon Stewart – and the stages and strategies by which Stewart was embedded by
journalists and the public into mainstream journalistic discourse to show how the journalistic
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community negotiates its identity, boundaries, and authority in relation to individuals and cultural
forms that challenge the definitions of what constitutes journalism[15]. Carlson[16] discussed how
journalists come together through the mediated discussion of news practices occurring in mainstream
news media and how journalists confront the challenges of their ever-changing economic, political,
technological and cultural context through discourse about their work. Journalists seek definitional
control over the meaning of their work against external critics, and the notion of interpretive
communities demonstrates efforts by journalists to maintain their cultural authority and to shore up
journalistic boundaries in the face of dispute and uncertainty over contemporary news practices.
Carlson’s book will retain a central role in this article since it provides a useful framework for
examining how the condition of newspapers affects both journalism and the larger public.
Although no studies have been conducted about the way newspapers present their situation, less
formal surveys and interviews on this issue have been done among journalists in the West. In these
interviews, newspaper workers expressed concern due to the decrease in readership and gave a low
overall score to rival newspapers[17]. Journalists also worried about loss of journalistic craft and
standards, for example because of the recycling of print content on online sites. Many journalists even
predicted that the newspaper for which they worked would be closed and admitted that their
newspaper was less popular than its competitors. As a matter of fact, these journalists admitted to
using the same competitors as a source of information[18]. Optimistic views of digital technologies
anticipated better news coverage, diversity and access. The report “Journalism at the speed of bytes”
did not detect widespread feelings of disempowerment or resignation amongst newspaper journalists.
On the contrary, it revealed a forward-thinking, optimistic mood. The majority of journalists it
surveyed were looking ahead with enthusiastic views as to what could or should be done to improve
news content, exploit the newsgathering and reporting potential of digital technologies, or simply beat
the competition[19].
The Arab press: Press in crisis?
The love of newspapers has a long history in the Middle East, where newspapers began to appear at
the beginning of the 19th century. While newspapers globally are today witnessing a decline in
circulation and advertising revenues, print circulation in the Arab region has, until recently,
demonstrated greater resilience. Although challenges remain in gathering accurate and audited
numbers for the region, newspaper circulation saw some growth in 2010 and 2011, albeit at a slower
pace than previously. Moreover, newspaper income still constitutes nearly 40 percent of advertising
revenues among the Arab media. Perhaps these are the reasons for the small quantity of studies about
the “crisis” in the Arab newspapers. The question is why the Arab newspapers have not experienced
the same decline as newspapers in the West? The answer may lie in the strong “newspaper culture” of
the region: The Arab news consumers still like to hold a newspaper in their hands as they sip their
coffee. Investors are aware of this. Beyond that, in spite of the improvement of the digital
infrastructure in the Middle East, many still find it difficult to get quick and easy access to the
Internet, and most residents of the area are not connected to the Internet[20]. Quite a few people in
the Middle East also mistrust the content of digital media[21]
The overall growth in the region, however, masks some important disparities between countries and
sub-regions. Egypt, the largest market by circulation, maintained healthy growth in 2011, while the
rest of the Arab region experienced a decline of 2 percent in print circulation over the same year. The
decline in circulation was particularly pronounced in the Gulf region. The number of newspaper titles
in the region had remained relatively flat over the previous few years, with the number of new
entrants balancing the exits from the market and the migrations to online-only status. A number of
newspapers were launched in the wake of the country’s political uprisings to present independent
views. Some of these newspapers tried to challenge the traditional press, which is sympathetic to the
local regimes. Many of the newly-launched papers aimed to target younger readers, who remained
aloof from print media and consumed news mainly from online sites. On the other hand, several titles
shut down over that period for commercial or political reasons[22].
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So far, the digital revolution has not offered competition to the Arab newspapers in the form of
serious content that would disturb their editors’ sleep. But these newspapers are not totally immune
from this revolution. More and more people in the Arab world prefer to use Facebook, Twitter,
Youtube and news portals to obtain information. In public opinion research conducted in 2011 in the
Persian Gulf, 76 percent of participants testified that they had reduced or stopped reading newspapers
in favor of news sites. Another survey determined that only 7 percent of media workers in the Arab
world believe that newspapers influenced the events of the “Arab spring.” Digital media in the Arab
world constituted only 4 percent of the total media advertising revenue in 2011, but its future is
brighter–this is the fastest-growing platform in the region, at the expense of newspapers. Regional
corporations and international brands in the region are allocating an increasing share of their
marketing spending to digital media. Large advertisers, which were initially shy of venturing into
online advertising, are increasingly experimenting with the use of social media and a few campaigns
have met with resounding success.[23]
Political uprisings across the Arab region have contributed in no small part to the increased time spent
online and the popularity of social networking platforms. Moreover, the Middle East is a young
region, where 53% of the population is under the age of 25, and young people prefer to consume their
news online[24]. Arab newspapers have not sat idly by, and, although we still cannot point to a
significant deterioration in their condition, as of June 2014, most have already “migrated” to digital
media in some form. Regional publishers have achieved some success in digital migration, with online
revenues for some titles already constituting a significant share of total advertising revenues.
Publishers are also increasingly launching digital versions of their titles[25].
Method
This study is based on qualitative analysis of content and discourse of articles in Arab print
newspapers that deal with the condition of this press. This analysis is backed by general quantitative
data on the prevalence of particular phenomena and themes in the articles. The study analyzed articles
and reports published in seven major print dailies in the Arab world. Four of those newspapers are
published in four Arab states and enjoy a large readership: al-Ahram (Egypt), al-Rai (Jordan), alRiyadh (Saudi Arabia) and al-Safir (Lebanon). Some of them sympathize with the establishment in
their countries (al-Rai), some are independent but support the government (al-Riyadh) and some are
oppositional (al-Safir). In addition, three widely-circulated inter-Arab dailies were selected: al-Sharq
al-Awsat, al-Hayat and al-Quds al-Arabi. Alongside their popularity, another major reason to select
these seven papers was that their online sites republish articles from the print newspaper, allowing
easier access to them.
Using Arabic keywords, a wide search was done in the newspapers’ archives for articles relating to
the situation of Arab newspapers. The search was restricted to the year 2012, and during the search 49
relevant articles were identified. The articles were analyzed using a coding book that examined the
attitude of the texts towards newspapers, their future and modern media, the advantages and
disadvantages of each media and the solutions offered in any articles which stated that the Arab press
is in crisis. Also, the questions in the codebook referred to issues such as freedom of expression and
media control.
FINDINGS
Positive Attitude to Newspapers/ Negative Attitude to Other Media
Of the articles analyzed which dealt with the state of the Arab newspaper, twenty-one (42.9 percent)
showed a positive attitude towards it. They emphasized that the newspapers are key partners in the
transformations in the Middle East, that the new media cannot replace them[26] and that the
newspaper is still more reliable and accurate than its competitors[27]. The Saudi paper al-Riyadh
explained that reading newspapers is still considered an irreplaceable pleasure among many Arab
readers[28]. Some of the articles enshrined independent Arab newspapers, which are less subject to
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government dictates and devote space to reader opinion[29]. Some tied the stable state of newspapers
in the Arab world to the fact that most Middle Easterners are not aware of or do not know how to use
the Internet:
It is not strange that the media are becoming electronic, although this development
requires a degree of [knowledge from] the human being to deal with it. I think that this
degree exists in the United States and Europe, but here, in the Arab countries, a very
small percentage of people are able to operate with the electronic media. Therefore, it is
difficult not to resort to the printed media.[30]
This supportive attitude towards newspapers is sometimes accompanied by hostility to the Internet. 16
(32.7 percent) of the articles expressed a negative attitude to the Internet. Furthermore, 30 articles
(61.2 percent) demonstrated drawbacks of the internet or cited advantages of newspapers. Several
newspapers argued that internet sites are characterized by superficial articles[31]; shallow
language[32]; and limited ability to influence the society[33]. Another argument was that “surferreporters” cannot replace the work of professional reporters, because they lack the required
training[34]. This lack of professionalism of news websites was highlighted in many articles. For
example, Iman al-Salem from al-Hayat[35] mentioned the suffering of Saudi newspapers, which have
fallen victim to deliberate online plagiarism. Al-Salem attributes this “copying and illegal quotes” by
the electronic media to its inability to bear the costs of content production. The phenomenon of
copying information from the written press was named by the publicist Ibrahim al-Buddy “My eye,
your eye.” He condemned the hasty criticism that people rush to throw towards the press and wrote:
One of the common trends in Saudi Arabia is a condemnation of the printing press. This
criticism is often attached to a missionary preaching in favor of the online press, or–in its
famous name–the ‘new media’. In general, criticizing the press for its evaluation is
required and respected (…), but some of those critics, if not most, just bear a grudge. I
refer here especially to those who accuse the newspapers in absence of reliability,
professionalism and accuracy and forget that these qualities are the weak points of the
digital media itself.[36]
Al-Riyadh even made a journalistic inquiry on some cases of copying from the newspapers. In this
inquiry, news sites were displayed as “copy-paste newspapers,” “parasites,” “uninvited guests” and “a
plate of beggars.” Saud al-Matiri, who wrote the extensive report, said that the online papers in his
country do not operate by an ethical code of journalism:
In most of them there is one person who’s good in one operation–‘Copy and Paste’. (…)
All he needs to do is to wake up early in the morning every day, flip the pages of all the
newspapers and then compile the information, the investigations the materials that are
seen appropriate. (…) The bold face of these net-papers is manifested in the fact that they
delete every detail indicating that the news was taken from another newspaper. (…) They
made great anarchy, and made the news and the news material to an orphaned child who
lacks identity. [37]
One newspaper editor interviewed in the report said angrily: “I don’t accept that I, as a professional
editor, invest a huge effort to access journalistic material and then this material ‘is lost’ in this way.”
Another editor who works in one of the Saudi newspapers told the reporter that this situation reminds
him of
…[T]he story of an old man who owns some goats. He went to them one morning with a
friend, milked them and drank the milk. Then he [the old man] offered his friend a chance
to go to the market to buy a breeding-goat for them [for the goats]. When he came to the
market – a distance of seventy kilometers – he found that the goats, which his stomach
has not yet had time to digest their milk, are in distress. [He realized that] a thief stole
them, followed him and brought them to the market!
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This editor uses the word “Takhrij” to indicate the distress of the goats. In the Arabic world of
writing, this word is used to specify plagiarism. In other words, the allegory was intended to show that
a very short time passes between the publication of news in newspapers and their appearance–in a
copied form and without credit–on another news source’s website.
More specifically, extensive criticism was directed to the social networks, which “are nothing but
tools for interaction and organization”[38]. Fadel al-Amani[39] mentioned the difficulty to control the
“information Tsunami” flooding these networks. In his article, “No to the Twitter,” Samir Ata Allah
contrasted Twitter to the “art of journalistic writing” and explained why this network will not survive:
Tomorrow people will discover that it [Twitter] cut their knowledge, destroyed their thought process,
neutralized their thinking (…) and erased the beautiful and necessary details of the life. The writing
will fight against this stumble [Twitter] that totally lost its mind (…), and the journalistic art will
flourish. (…) Sooner or later, we will discover that the Twitter is a temporary tool to connect between
people. Whatever the scope of its activity, Twitter doesn’t have the effect of the newspapers[40].
Negative attitude to newspapers / positive attitude to other media
Among the 49 articles from seven newspapers analyzed for this study, 13 (26.5 percent) expressed a
negative attitude towards newspapers and 18 articles (36.7 percent) expressed a positive attitude to the
Internet. Thirty-one articles (63.3 percent) mention disadvantages of newspapers or discuss
advantages of the Internet. One of the arguments of the articles against Arab newspapers was that
many of them are nothing but government mouthpieces, calling their credibility–not just their
independence–into question.[41] Nearly half, 20 articles (40.8 percent), mentioned the Arab regimes’
control over newspapers or the papers’ limited freedom of expression. In this context, the articles
argued that digital media is a stick in the wheels of the regimes[42] and a tool for bypassing
censorship[43]. “My fellow workers in the newspapers, forgive me, but I guess it would be hard to
find an independent newspaper,” wrote Ahmed Salem of al-Riyadh[44]. In addition, it is argued that
the print media are “slow and boring,”[45] obsolete , do not address the concerns of younger
citizens[46] and do not involve citizens in the producing of news.[47] Fadel al-Amani of al-Riyadh
linked the disadvantages of Arab newspapers to the advantages of websites:
All the ideas, methods and values of the traditional media are in front of the rising of a
new era (…). People and companies all over the world have found what they wanted in
the new media, after decades, perhaps centuries, of exclusion, discrimination, oppression,
dictatorship and slavery. New media allows them to communicate in a way that reflects
their true shape, in transparency and reliability, without adornment. This media, on its
strong digital arms, holds the ability to enter worlds and areas that were blocked in the
shadow of hegemony of the traditional, supervisor media[48].
Alongside the capacity of websites to publish “unique and shocking materials” and expose
corruption[49], the articles mentioned other benefits to news websites: their speed, rich content,
affordable cost, significant influence, ability to combine videos, and their extensive civic involvement.
[50] The Internet’s ease of use was also noted: “As the person moved in the history from nomadism to
agriculture, to industry and to technology, on all its manifestations, he is passing today from a
newspaper, which he holds and reads page after page, to another place where he can look through the
newspaper, maybe newspapers, in moments, and not for hours.”[51]
This was not the only example in which the advantages of the Internet were highlighted using
historical background. For example, Abed Hazndar of al-Riyadh wrote: “We have moved into a new
era, similar to the transition from an agricultural economy to industrial economy. (…) What is now
happening on social networks like Twitter, Facebook and blogs, is similar to what happened at the
outset of the press. (…) Nobody can hide the facts from that people.”[52] As can be seen from the last
example, some of the articles had a positive attitude towards social networks. It was argued that both
the social networks and the blogs contributed to the events of the “Arab Spring.”[53] Under the
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headline “Twitter – the new editor of the media,” al-Sharq al-Awsat[54] declared that Twitter is one
of the latest tools for creating public opinion.
Press in crisis
36 articles (73.5 percent) presented the situation of the Arab newspapers as a crisis. Of these 36
articles, 31 (86.1 percent) see the Internet and new technologies as one of the reasons for this crisis.
Another medium, television, was held responsible for the crisis by nine of the 36 articles (25%). AlSharq al-Awsat stated, for example, that television “has begun to pull the rug from under the feet of
the newspapers” and that it made the reading of newspapers unnecessary for some people, because it
appeals to everyone, including those who do not know how to read. In that article, the situation was
highlighted by its description of “scary” data from Iraq indicating that illiteracy rates have reached 25
percent and that only eight percent of the population read a newspaper every day. The newspaper
attributes the precarious situation of the press in Iraq to the difficult economic situation: “Everyone
knows that the purchase ability of some residents does not place the buying of newspapers in the
highest priority. We see more and more people only skim the news headlines at the seller store.” [55]
Despite these claims, only four of the 36 articles (11.1 percent) attributed the newspaper crisis to
topics relating to Arab society, such as distancing of young people from newspapers, changes in
consumer habits and illiteracy rates. “The generation which was used to read the newspaper while
drinking coffee from Finjan (a small metal coffee pot) is on the verge of extinction,” the Jordanian
newspaper al-Rai admitted[56]. In his article “The crisis of Arab culture,” Ghanem al-Alwan al-Jamili
addressed Arab readers directly: “We must agree that we, in our Arab world, suffer from a culture
crisis in the full sense of the word. (…) Perhaps the main reason for this cultural crisis is
ignorance.”[57]
Of the 36 articles that presented the situation of the Arab press as being in crisis, eight (22.2 percent)
attributed this crisis to problems inherent in the newspapers themselves. Al-Sharq al-Awsat stated that
the main reason for the crisis is the fact that the papers represent political parties, a fact that hurts their
credibility[58]. As a result, it was mentioned that the newspapers are nothing but a stage for taunting
senior figures.[59] Only six of the 36 articles (16.7 percent) attributed the crisis to the decline in
publications, investors and distribution. Al-Rai mentioned the Jordanian dailies’ circulation decline in
recent years and the decline in advertising, as opposed to the websites, which “thrive in terms of
advertising revenues.”[60]
The future of newspapers
About half of the articles (24, 49 percent) treated the future of Arab newspapers. Of these 24, 18 (75
percent) mentioned the possible extinction of newspapers. It was explained that new media present a
major challenge to traditional media, which may cause its extinction, and that the latter “will be
defeated in the race” by the former.[61] Besides the race metaphor, newspapers often use
anthropomorphic descriptions to describe the potential extinction of the Arab newspaper. “It [the Arab
newspaper] will die in the end,” wrote Khaled Sadek of al-Riyadh[62]; Ibrahim Badi of al-Hayat[63]
also mentioned the “dying” process of newspapers. Another article states: “The newspapers are in the
front of the media that are in danger of death due to the glowing of new communication
technologies”[64]. On the other hand, there were a few who used personification to actually predict a
more optimistic future. Fatah al-Rahman Yusuf of al-Sharq al-Awsat announced, for example, that the
print media “will stay alive forever.”[65] Others wrote that it may “coexist” alongside the Internet,
that “it is important that it will not say a tearful farewell”[66] and that “its heart is still beating”[67].
Suleiman Jawda of al-Sharq al-Awsat linked the closure of the American magazine Newsweek and the
murky future of the Arab print media. Under the title “See you, [newspaper]’, he wrote:
When the world will celebrate in 31.12.12 the end of this year and the arrival of the New
Year, it will mark the publication of the last printed issue of the US magazine Newsweek.
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Interesting thing is that Egyptian newspapers have given to this topic a tiny place, as if
they fear that one day the same thing that happened to the noble Newsweek will happen
to them.[68]
Jawda described the future of the newspaper with the word “sunset,” claiming that there was “a kind
of agreement that this sunset, which was shining for a long time, is fast approaching, inevitably. The
debate is conducted only around the time that the word ‘approaching’ symbolizes. Is it ten years?!
20?! 30?!.” A more optimistic position was held by an editor-in-chief of a Jordanian newspaper, who
said in an interview in al-Rai that the printing press “will not be eradicated” just as the radio did not
disappear with the advent of television, because even advanced means of communication are faced
with their own challenges.[69] Similar statements were made by a chief editor of a Saudi newspaper,
according to which newspapers continue to compete with the Internet.[70]
Only 12 articles (24.5 percent) offered possible solutions to the state of the Arab newspaper. Among
the solutions offered by these articles: focusing on in-depth articles and commentary[71] and
improving the education system to increase the literacy rate.[72] Some articles called on newspapers
to adopt new technology and build websites to attract new readers. Al-Sharq al-Awsat mentioned that
Saudi newspapers have already created Twitter accounts to publicize stories, as was explained by one
Saudi newspaper editor: “We, in al-Watan, have a department for Internet advertising. In addition to
the electronic copy of the paper, our editors publish links and important news on Twitter, to reach
readers everywhere.”[73].
CONCLUSION
Recent data indicate the weakening of Arab newspapers even as digital media are growing stronger.
This trend is reflected, among other things, in reduced investment in newspaper advertising. However,
this weakening is less catastrophic than the corresponding erosion process has been among Western
newspapers, and it is unclear whether the Arab newspaper necessarily finds itself in a deep crisis. In
the shadow of these vague data, this study was designed to answer the question of how Arab
newspapers see themselves. Seven newspapers of different characteristics and distribution zones
indicated an ambivalent attitude towards the Arab newspaper.
On the one hand, many articles and reports expressed a positive attitude towards the newspapers and
argued that they have a significant effect which is both accurate and irreplaceable. Such articles often
expressed a hostile attitude to the Internet, claiming its content is superficial, unprofessional and
frequently plagiarized. Broad criticism was expressed against social networks, arguing that they are
not a substitute for newspapers. Thus, it seems that newspapers are emphasizing the quality of their
writing in order to bolster themselves against the digital competitor.
On the other hand, more than a quarter of the articles analyzed in this study expressed a negative
attitude towards newspapers. One of the main arguments against them is that many of them are
dedicated to the service of the ruling party, which restricts their freedom of expression. These claims
were, not surprisingly, mostly found in non-establishment newspapers, which are proud of their
independence. In addition, these articles argued that print media are slow, boring, outdated, addressing
only adults and don’t involve the readers. These negative features of the papers were highlighted
alongside advantages of the Internet, which include reliability, convenience, responsiveness to readers
and the ability to post videos. Why would newspapers call attention to their own negative attributes?
One possible explanation for this is concession of defeat to the web press, which can be a quality tool
in bypassing censorship in the Arab Middle East.
Indeed, despite the encouraging data regarding newspapers, most of the articles analyzed in this study
admitted that Arab newspapers are in crisis. Most of the articles attributed this crisis to the Internet
and a minority to the power of television in the Arab world, high illiteracy rates, the moving away of
young people from the papers and the fact that many newspapers represent political factors. In
contrast to the state of the Western press, only a few articles in the Arab newspapers attribute the
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crisis to economic causes such as a decline in advertising. The admission of the Arab newspapers to
this crisis may be largely due to unwillingness to present false information to readers, many of whom
have already lost confidence in newspapers. For the newspaper, it seems, all that remains is to accept
the situation and join the digital world, creating their own websites and social media accounts,
promoting internet content in their newspapers’ pages and cooperating, in terms of advertising and
content, with other media on the web.
Normally, asking proponents of any medium about its future would probably evoke a smile (real or
false), and optimistic tales spun of bright possibilities. But the Arab newspaper is different. About a
third of its articles, as surveyed in this study, referred to its approaching or possible extinction,
especially in light of the strengthening of the Internet as an information source in the Arab region.
Using personification, such as death metaphors, the Arab newspapers describe how they are going to
crash. But in this awareness lies also the potential of the newspapers to help themselves emerge from
the crisis. Thus, in the articles themselves we can identify an understanding that newspapers must use
the platforms provided by the new media in order to survive.
As Zelizer described, reporters and editors of Arab newspapers can truly be seen as an interpretive
community, which structures its own identity. The shared discourse that Arab press journalists
produce around the topic of newspapers’ status is a marker of how they see themselves as journalists.
Through their articles, journalists reveal their own awareness, and even their own fear, of the vague
futureof their medium in light of the advancement of new media. In other words, journalists within the
Arab press come together through the mediated discussion of news practices occurring in the Arab
newspapers and try to confront, verbally, the challenges of an ever-changing technological context
through discourse about their work. As Carlson and Tenenboim-Weinblatt have said, they seek
definitional control over the meaning of their works against their competitors (new media): they
negotiate their identity, boundaries, and authority in relation to these new media, and, when they
accept, and even praise, the advancement of these media, they challenge the reigning consensus
surrounding traditional journalistic practice, facilitating their adaptation to changing technology.
It is interesting that, in Arabic, the words which mean “printing press” bear another meaning: “unreal
press,” or “fabricated press.” Considering this second interpretation, we can perhaps say that the
language itself, which is the true power of the press, foresees its own downfall: the “real” press,
therefore, lies in new technologies.
But only the future will have the last word when it comes to Arab newspapers. Meanwhile, they
continue to be read alongside coffee each morning, providing discussion topics in public spheres
throughout the Arab world. Studies should continue to examine the situation of these newspapers and
rigorously measure their changing properties, circulation and coverage compared with the
corresponding characteristics of online news media.
*Yonatan Gonen is currently starting his PhD in communication at the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, focusing in his research on the Pan-Arab media and the representation of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict in the Palestinian news media. He worked as a journalist in leading Israeli news
organizations (Channel 10 and Ynet), focusing on events in the Arab world.
NOTES
[1] William A. Rugh, Arab Mass Media: Newspapers, Radio and Television in Arab Politics
(Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004).
[2] Dubai Press Club, Arab Media Outlook 2011-2015, 2012.
[3] Abdullah Nasir Hussain, “The Dangers of Smart Phones and Social Networking–Shaykh Saalih alFawzaan,” salaf-us-saalih.com, 2013. Retreived December 2, 2013, from:
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http://salaf-us-saalih.com/2013/11/03/the-dangers-of-smart-phones-and-social-networking-shaykhsaalih-al-fawzaan/
[4] Ignacio Siles and Pablo J. Boczkowski, “Making Sense of the Newspaper Crisis: A Critical
Assessment of Existing Research and an Agenda for Future Work,” New Media & Society, Vol. 14,
No. 8 (2012), pp. 1375–94.
[5] Rodney Benson, “Futures of the News: International Considerations and Further Reflections,” in
Natalie Fenton (ed.), New Media, Old News: Journalism and Democracy in the Digital Age (London:
SAGE, 2010), pp. 187-200.
[6] Leonard Downie and Michael Schudson, “The Reconstruction of American Journalism,”
Columbia Journalism Review, October 19, 2009,
http://www.cjr.org/reconstruction/the_reconstruction_of_american.php?page=all (accessed May 30,
2013).
[7] Dan Gillmor, We the Media: Grassroots Journalism by the People, for the People. (Sebastopol,
CA: O’Reilly, 2004). Todd Gitlin, “A surfeit of crises: Circulation, revenue, attention, authority and
deference,” in Robert W. McChesney and Victor Pickard (eds.), Will the last reporter please turn out
the lights: The collapse of journalism and what can be done to fix it (New York: New Press, 2011),
pp. 91-102.
[8] Alice Antheaume, “The French press and its enduring institutional crisis,” in David Levy, David
and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen (eds.), The Changing Business of Journalism and its Implications for
Democracy (Oxford: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, 2010), pp. 69-80.
[9] David Levy & Rasmus Kleis Nielsen (eds.), The Changing Business of Journalism and its
Implications for Democracy. (Oxford: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, 2010). Victor
Pickard. “Can government support the press? Historicizing and internationalizing a policy approach to
the journalism crisis,” Communication Review, Vol. 14, No 2 (2011), pp. 73–95.
[10] Victor Pickard, Josh Stearns & Craig Aaron, Saving the News: Toward a National Journalism
Strategy (Washington, DC: Free Press, 2009).
[11] Leonard Downie & Robert G. Kaiser, The News about the News: American Journalism in Peril
(New York: A.A. Knopf, 2002). Philip Meyer. The Vanishing Newspaper: Saving Journalism in the
Information Age (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 2009).
[12] Eric Alterman, “Out of print: The death and life of the American newspaper,” in Robert W.
McChesney and Victor Pickard (eds.), Will the last reporter please turn out the lights: The collapse of
journalism and what can be done to fix it (New York: New Press, 2011), pp. 3-17.
[13] Randal A. Beam, Bonnie J. Brownlee, David H. Weaver & Damon T. Di Cicco, “Journalism and
public service in troubled times,” Journalism Studies, Vol. 10, No. 6 (2009), pp. 734–753. Michael
Schudson, “News in crisis in the United States: panic–and beyond,” in David Levy and Rasmus Kleis
Nielsen (eds.), The Changing Business of Journalism and its Implications for Democracy (Oxford:
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, 2010), pp. 95-106.
[14] Barbie Zelizer, “Journalists as Interpretive Communities,” Critical Studies in Mass
Communication, Vol. 10 (1993), pp. 219-237.
[15] Keren Tenenboim-Weinblatt, “Jester, Fake Journalist, or the New Walter Lippmann?:
Recognition Processes of Jon Stewart by the U.S. Journalistic Community,” International Journal of
Communication, Vol. 3 (2009), pp. 416-439.
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[16] Matt Carlson, On the condition of anonymity: Unnamed sources and the battle for journalism
(Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2011).
[17] Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, How journalists see journalists in 2004:
Views on profits, performance and politics (Washington, DC: Pew Research Center for the People and
the Press, 2004). Penny O’Donnell, David McKnight & Jonathan Este, Journalism at the speed of
bytes: Australian newspapers in the 21th century (The walkley foundation, 2012).
[18] Oriella PR Network Digital Journalism Study, Clicks, Communities and Conversations: The State
of Journalism in 2011 (2011), Retrieved June 10, 2013 from:
http://www.orielladigitaljournalism.com/view-report.html#/6/zoomed.
[19] Penny O’Donnell, David McKnight & Jonathan Este, Journalism at the speed of bytes:
Australian newspapers in the 21th century (The Walkley Foundation, 2012).
[20] Dubai Press Club, Arab Media Outlook 2011-2015, 2012.
[21] al-Dusri, Abd al-Aziz (May 4, 2011). Kuwaitis prefer the written papers and refuse the electronic
press. Al-Arabiya. Retrieved in May 31 2013 from:
http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2011/05/04/147801.html (in Arabic).
[22] Dubai Press Club, Arab Media Outlook 2011-2015, 2012.
[23] Dubai Press Club, Arab Media Outlook 2011-2015, 2012.
[24] Caryle Murphy, The Future Of Print. Majalla, December 18, 2012.
[25] Dubai Press Club, Arab Media Outlook 2011-2015, 2012.
[26] Fatah al-Rahman Yusuf, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 28.6.12.
[27] Ali Sharaya, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 20.12.2012.
[28] Khaled Sadek, al-Riyadh, 23.1.12.
[29] Nirmin Sami, al-Hayat, 13.5.12.
[30] Fuad Muhammad, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 30.10.12.
[31] al-Tayeb Walad al-Arussi ,al-Quds al-Arabi, 11.3.12.
[32] al-Hassan Bin Talal, al-Quds al-Arabi, 1.5.12.
[33] Rara al-Sharqawi, al-Ahram, 29.7.12.
[34] Adel Darwish, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 19.4.12.
[35] Iman al-Salem, al-Hayat, 3.12.12.
[36] Ibrahim al-Buddy, al-Hayat, 8.10.12.
[37] Saud al-Matiri, al-Riyadh, 14.11.12.
[38] Rara al-Sharqawi, al-Ahram, 29.7.12.
[39] Fadel al-Amani, al-Riyadh, 14.10.12.
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[40] Samir Ata Allah, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 20.4.12.
[41] Fatma Atfa, al-Quds al-Arabi, 11.05.12.
[42] al-Sayyid Yasin, al-Hayat, 11.11.12.
[43] Jaman Konais, al-Hayat, 10.12.12.
[44] Ahmed Salem, al-Riyadh, 20.4.12.
[45] al-Riyadh, 3.12.12.
[46] Khaled Sadek, al-Riyadh, 23.1.12.
[47] Ahmed Salem, al-Quds al-Arabi, 11.3.12.
[48] Fadel al-Amani, al-Riyadh, 14.10.12.
[49] Ahmed Salem, al-Riyadh, 20.4.12.
[50] al-Rai, 19.3.12. Rarre al-Sharqawi, al-Ahram, 29.7.12.
[51] Suleiman Jawda, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 28.10.12.
[52] Abed Hazndar, al-Riyadh, 16.11.12.
[53] Adel Darwish, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 19.4.12; al-Sayyid Yasin, al-Hayat, 11.11.12.
[54] Ali Sharaya, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 20.12.12.
[55] Hussein Ali al-Hamdani, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 25.09.12.
[56] Al-Rai, 19.3.12.
[57] Ghanem al-Alwan al-Jamili, al-Riyadh, 13.5.12.
[58] Adnan al-Araki, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 27.9.12.
[59] Hussein Ali al-Hamdani, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 25.9.12.
[60] Al-Rai, 19.3.12.
[61] Al-Rai, 19.3.12.
[62] Khaled Sadek, al-Riyadh, 23.1.12.
[63] Ibrahim Badi, al-Hayat, 12.11.12.
[64] Fahad Amer al-Ahmadi ,al-Riyadh, 3.12.12.
[65] Fatah al-Rahman Yusuf, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 28.6.12.
[66] Suleiman Jawda, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 28.10.12.
[67] Nirmin Sami, al-Hayat, 13.5.12.
[68] Suleiman Jawda, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 28.10.12.
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[69] Al-Rai, 19.3.12.
[70] Atallah al-Amrani, al-Riyadh, 5.6.12.
[71] al-Rai, 19.3.12.
[72] Ghanem al-Alwan al-Jamili, al-Riyadh, 13.5.12.
[73] Ali Sharaya, al-Sharq al-Awsat, 20.12.12.
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Filed Under: Media Coverage of the Middle East, MERIA Journal Volume 18, Number 2 (Summer
2014) Tagged With: Arabic-speaking world, egypt, jordan, Lebanon, media coverage, Saudi Arabia
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